Archive for the ‘Academia/Academic Freedom’ Category

Academic Freedom Update: Ithaca College Persecution of Margo Ramlal-Nankoe

Friday, February 5th, 2010

Here is an update letter from Margo: Received via e-mail February 4, 2010

Dear Supporters and Friends,

I am writing to update you on my Ithaca College tenure case.

For the first time in 11 years, I did not start the Fall semester as a professor in the Sociology Department at Ithaca College. I am deeply saddened by this and I have truly missed the campus and my opportunity to engage students and interact with my peers.

http: //www.nyu.edu/library/bobst/research/tam/

ewen/images/fellowship_image.jpg

Despite this dramatic absence in my life, I have been busy telling my story, interacting with cherished supporters and collaborating with other professors in similar situations. I am also very happy to announce that I have just accepted a position to teach in the Sociology Department at Hunter College in New York City.

Below, I would like to highlight some of the truly inspirational interactions I have had over the past few months:

*After speaking on the “Defending Academic Freedom Today“ panel at the summer Socialism ’09 Conference in Chicago, a group of concerned faculty, students and citizens formed a group called Free the Academy. This group is working on organizing material for my case. The hope is to create a presence in academia that addresses academic freedom of progressive and left leaning faculty who are under attack. I invite you to join and contribute your ideas and abilities. http://freetheacademy.wordpress.com/

*This past fall I was invited to speak on a panel called “Israel and US Academic Censorship,” at the Peace and Justice Studies Association Conference “Exploring the Power of Nonviolence,” at Marquette University. Other panelists included Professor Joel Kovel, who as many of you know, was fired from his position at Bard College last year for his critical scholarly work on Zionism. Professor Chris Toffolo was a respondent on this panel. Chris was removed from her position as director of the Justice and Peace Studies Program at St. Thomas University in Minnesota after she protested the administration’s banning of Bishop Tutu from speaking at St. Thomas in 2007. Tutu was labeled anti-semitic for his criticism of Israeli politics in Palestine. As vice-president of academic affairs at St. Thomas in 2007, the current president of Ithaca College, Thomas Rochon was responsible for removing Chris Toffolo from her position.

*I have received endorsements from well-established advocacy groups including Academics for Justice and California Scholars for Academic Freedom.

*I have also started working with the American Association of University Women (AAUW) and hope to find other groups that will look closely at the sexual harassment elements in my case. Please share any contacts you may have with academic women’s groups, feminist organizations or employment law groups specializing in job discrimination.

*Also, look for online articles about my case in two recent publications:

- My story was recently published in the newsletter of ‘We Advocate Gender Equality’ (WAGE) and should be posted on their online site soon at http://wage.org/

- I was recently interviewed by Nora Barrows-Friedman for Electronic Intifada. Here is the article:

http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article10998.shtml

*I have been invited on two panels this summer:

The first will be on “Scholar Activism” at the US Social Forum in Detroit, and the second on “Academic Freedom” will be at the Labor Section of the annual American Sociological Association in Atlanta.

Here is the current status of my case. I am waiting for the results of the New York State Division of Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Employment Commission’s investigations of my discrimination charges against Ithaca College. My hope is that if found in violation, Ithaca College will prefer to settle my case outside of court. Otherwise, we will have to proceed to the next level, which is court.

I will continue my struggle against Ithaca College and I demand and ask my supporters to demand that:

1. Ithaca College grant me tenure and restore me rightfully back to my teaching position which I have held for 12 years.

2. Ithaca College take responsibility for all damages I suffered through my tenure ordeal which started in 2005 and has continued until today. These include, racist and sexist attacks, sexual harassment, academic freedom violations, jeopardizing my legal status in the US by denying my work visa while under contract, as a result, forcing me out of the country and preventing me to teach my final semester of classes.

On that note, I am looking for ways to help to defray my legal costs. If you know of any grants for legal funding for such cases, please send this information along. My email address is margo.nankoe@gmail.com

Thank you for all your support.

Warmly,

Margo Ramlal-Nankoe

Previous Post on Her Academic Freedom Case: http://english.sxu.edu/sites/kirstein/archives/2308

Bob Herbert: New York Times Op-Ed on Dr Howard Zinn

Sunday, January 31st, 2010
January 30, 2010
Op-Ed Columnist

A Radical Treasure

By BOB HERBERT (image below)

 

I had lunch with Howard Zinn just a few weeks ago, and I’ve seldom had more fun while talking about so many matters that were unreservedly unpleasant: the sorry state of government and politics in the U.S., the tragic futility of our escalation in Afghanistan, the plight of working people in an economy rigged to benefit the rich and powerful.

Mr. Zinn could talk about all of that and more without losing his sense of humor. He was a historian with a big, engaging smile that seemed ever-present. His death this week at the age of 87 was a loss that should have drawn much more attention from a press corps that spends an inordinate amount of its time obsessing idiotically over the likes of Tiger Woods and John Edwards.

Mr. Zinn was chagrined by the present state of affairs, but undaunted. “If there is going to be change, real change,” he said, “it will have to work its way from the bottom up, from the people themselves. That’s how change happens.”

We were in a restaurant at the Warwick Hotel in Manhattan. Also there was Anthony Arnove, who had worked closely with Mr. Zinn in recent years and had collaborated on his last major project, “The People Speak.” It’s a film in which well-known performers bring to life the inspirational words of everyday citizens whose struggles led to some of the most profound changes in the nation’s history. Think of those who joined in — and in many cases became leaders of — the abolitionist movement, the labor movement, the civil rights movement, the feminist revolution, the gay rights movement, and so on.

Think of what this country would have been like if those ordinary people had never bothered to fight and sometimes die for what they believed in. Mr. Zinn refers to them as “the people who have given this country whatever liberty and democracy we have.”

Our tendency is to give these true American heroes short shrift, just as we gave Howard Zinn short shrift. In the nitwit era that we’re living through now, it’s fashionable, for example, to bad-mouth labor unions and feminists even as workers throughout the land are treated like so much trash and the culture is so riddled with sexism that most people don’t even notice it. (There’s a restaurant chain called “Hooters,” for crying out loud.)

I always wondered why Howard Zinn was considered a radical. (He called himself a radical.) He was an unbelievably decent man who felt obliged to challenge injustice and unfairness wherever he found it. What was so radical about believing that workers should get a fair shake on the job, that corporations have too much power over our lives and much too much influence with the government, that wars are so murderously destructive that alternatives to warfare should be found, that blacks and other racial and ethnic minorities should have the same rights as whites, that the interests of powerful political leaders and corporate elites are not the same as those of ordinary people who are struggling from week to week to make ends meet?

Mr. Zinn was often taken to task for peeling back the rosy veneer of much of American history to reveal sordid realities that had remained hidden for too long. When writing about Andrew Jackson in his most famous book, “A People’s History of the United States,” published in 1980, Mr. Zinn said:

“If you look through high school textbooks and elementary school textbooks in American history, you will find Jackson the frontiersman, soldier, democrat, man of the people — not Jackson the slaveholder, land speculator, executioner of dissident soldiers, exterminator of Indians.”

Radical? Hardly.

Mr. Zinn would protest peacefully for important issues he believed in — against racial segregation, for example, or against the war in Vietnam — and at times he was beaten and arrested for doing so. He was a man of exceptionally strong character who worked hard as a boy growing up in Brooklyn during the Depression. He was a bomber pilot in World War II, and his experience of the unmitigated horror of warfare served as the foundation for his lifelong quest for peaceful solutions to conflict.

He had a wonderful family, and he cherished it. He and his wife, Roslyn, known to all as Roz, were married in 1944 and were inseparable for more than six decades until her death in 2008. She was an activist, too, and Howard’s editor. “I never showed my work to anyone except her,” he said.

They had two children and five grandchildren.

Mr. Zinn was in Santa Monica this week, resting up after a grueling year of work and travel, when he suffered a heart attack and died on Wednesday. He was a treasure and an inspiration. That he was considered radical says way more about this society than it does about him.

Students Remember Dr Howard Zinn

Friday, January 29th, 2010

This e-mail was from a student who graduated in 1988. She was one of my all time best students and sent me this. I removed explicit identifying materials. I have had several communication from students and other colleagues and am touched that Dr Zinn’s death triggered an association with him. It also attests to his significance in shaping the worldview of so many people.

From: @cinci.rr.com
Sent: Fri 1/29/2010 9:33 AM
To: Kirstein, Peter N.
Subject: Howard Zinn

Dr. Kirstein,

With all of the students you have taught over the years, I am sure that you couldn’t possibly remember me, however, how could I ever forget you. 

I am writing to you today to honor the life and work of Dr. Howard Zinn. I remember well the class you taught on American History using his book. It transformed the way I look at information and taught me skepticism of the status quo. When I read history, political science, or the national print media, my thoughts wander to the parts of the story that are not being told. Thank you for teaching me that.

I now work at Borders book store, everyone there knows I would rather be in the History section “working” than any other part of the store. Dr. Zinn’s book is there and whenever I recommend it or re-shelve it, I think of you.

I have recently discovered your blog and have been reading your postings. I enjoy your perspective and reading about your fight to keep freedom of speech in university classrooms.

I admire your commitment to pacifism.

I hope you are well.

Sincerely,

Linda

Graduated 1988

Howard Zinn, my professor and mentor, Dies at Age 87, January 27, 2010

Thursday, January 28th, 2010

I attended Boston University and majored in Government as an undergraduate. Dr Howard Zinn was my advisor and professor in three courses. While he was a trained historian with a Ph.D. from Columbia University, his university appointment was actually in the Government Department prior to its being renamed the more common Department of Political Science. The New York Times, which had not prepared an obituary, was wrong as usual in identifying him as a member of the history department.

The courses I had with him were two in Political Theory and one on Civil Liberties and Civil Rights. He generally wore a green suit, blue button-down shirt and rep tie. He always called me “Mr Kirstein” and was quite receptive to student participation in class. One day he brought his iconic work on the Vietnam War, Vietnam: The Logic of Withdrawal and students began hawking the book to the class. I bought a copy. The book’s major moment is when he “wrote” for President Lyndon Baines Johnson, a speech announcing withdrawal and ending the American perpetrated genocide in Vietnam.

I was not a political activist or “radical” in college: that journey begins in graduate school and has not ended. Yet I know now it was his courses that began my intellectual journey from liberal to a more critical ideological perspective. From accepting mere evolution to a more transformational insistence on social change was impacted by his life and teaching. I have used for most of my career his books in my history and politial science courses.  Students who have taken me know Zinn. They have read his books and understood his revisionist approach on issues of war, race, class, and gender.

His People’s History of the United States that was subdivided into a twentieth-century version was a breakthrough work in that he revised the standard history text and emphasized the history of the underclass, downtrodden, the homeless, the immigrant, the woman, the African-American, the socialist and the labor union organizer. The book sold millions of copies and was even carried in such mainstream outlets as Borders and Barnes and Noble. It achieved middle-class respectability despite its progressive advocacy of social justice and the revision of the capitalist system.

Vignettes:

In 2006 I was giving a paper at the Historians Against the War conference at the University of Texas in Austin. Dr Zinn was the keynote speaker and there was a reception for him prior to his talk. I was able for about twenty minutes to talk to him fairly directly despite the presence of other participants. I told him how his courses changed my life. I told him about his many books that had graced my syllabus. He asked me what courses I teach and his smile expanded as I rattled them off: Vietnam and America, African-American History, Hiroshima and the Nuclear Age, Capitalism, Socialism and Social Justice, American Protest Music etc. His smile of approval meant: “Yes Peter, I understand who you are and what you are doing as a professor.”

At this time David Horowitz had just released his Professors: The 101 Most Dangerous Academics in America and I showed him my copy which included not only Dr Zinn but myself. He said, “Oh, you are in there? You too? One of my students also in that book!” Again he smiled appreciatively and I felt so very proud to be associated with him in this manner.

We also discussed my suspension for an emotional anti-war email, that was spaciously covered by Mr Horowitz, to Cadet Robert Kurpiel of the Air Force Academy four years earlier and he gave a wry smile and said something to the effect, I don’t remember his exact words: “Stay in the fight. Good, you are still there and stronger.” I was very affected by this exchange. I felt I had the approval of a man who had inspired my teaching and my resistance against American excesses and crimes.

I asked him: “Dr Zinn, what is your secret on why you have lived so long and so actively.” He noted everyone was calling him “Howard” so why not me; no, he was still my professor. He was still Dr Zinn. He said, “Peter, eat bananas. I eat lots of bananas.” Now I eat lots of bananas and always think about him when I do.

Once I was in his office at B.U. and the phone rang. He got an invitation to speak at some school; I think it was in the south and in one of the Carolinas that wanted him to address the issues of the Vietnam War. I said to him, “Dr Zinn, should I leave?” He waved his hand as if to say “stay.” He said after the call, “Imagine that, a conservative school inviting me!”

On my website I have had for years his name as one of the two most inspirational professors in my training with a link to a Zinn website. His greatness inspired me as it has countless of others. His courage as an educator, labour organiser, antiwar protestor, civil rights activist with S.N.C.C., revisionist historian, advocate for social justice and for democratic socialism will endure. His scholarly oeuvre will endure. His reputation as one of the most significant historians of the twentieth century will endure. As long as I teach. As long as I have students. As long as I have a voice, I will endeavor to perpetuate despite my modest capacities, his foundational emphasis on scholarly activism and progressive change. There is no turning back, not now, not ever.

Two former students e-mailed me this morning informing me about the death of Professor Howard Zinn. That alone sustains my belief in his greatness and in his positive and enduring impact on many of my students.

State Department Defends Academic Freedom: Scholars Tariq Ramadan and Adam Habib to get Visas

Thursday, January 21st, 2010

Under the Bush administration, there had been a series of frankly racist, McCarthyite efforts to exclude progressive Muslim or other academics of colour who dissented from American imperialism and egregious war crimes against Islamic peoples. The State Department has used wisely and judiciously its exemption authority to allow these two Muslim scholars to reapply for travel and work in the United States. “The ACLU of Massachusetts sued in 2007, challenging Habib’s exclusion on behalf of the American Sociological Association, the American Association of University Professors, the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee and the Boston Coalition for Palestinian Rights.” This is clearly a positive development in allowing academic freedom, free speech and the exchange of robust ideas to flow more freely on college campuses and at academic conferences. I wrote about the  egregious exclusion of these two major intellectual figures prior to  their recently cleared status in Matthew Morgan, ed., The Impact Of 9/11 and The New Legal Landscape: The Day That Changed Everything (Palgrave Macmillan, 2009) 67-9:

Tariq Ramadan

Tariq Ramadan, a Muslim scholar born in Egypt, was offered in 2004 a tenured position in Islamic Studies as Luce Professor of Religion, Conflict, and Peace-Building at the University of Notre Dame. Ramadan had enrolled his children in school, rented a house in South Bend, Indiana, and even shipped his furniture before he was notified that his visa had been revoked because he endorsed “terrorism” and was subject to the “ideological exclusion” provision of the PATRIOT Act. The government later recanted those arbitrary charges when faced with a lawsuit, but concocted a different allegation that his donations, totaling $940 to charitable organizations, actually supported Hamas in Israeli-occupied Palestine. Hamas is designated as a “terrorist” organization by the Department of State despite its victory in the January 2006 Palestinian Authority general legislative elections. Ramadan asserted he was the victim of political persecution when denied his prestigious appointment at Notre Dame: “I am increasingly convinced that the George W. Bush administration has barred me for a much simpler reason: It doesn’t care for my political views. In recent years, I have publicly criticized U.S. policy in the Middle East, the war in Iraq, the use of torture, secret C.I.A. prisons and other government actions that undermine fundamental civil liberties…”

The Customs and Border Protection on October 25, 2006 also denied entry to Adam Habib of South Africa when he arrived at New York’s John F. Kennedy Airport to attend several meetings. A political scientist and a Muslim, he earned his Ph.D. from the City University of New York and was deputy vice-chancellor of research, innovation and advancement at the University of Johannesburg in South Africa. He was also prohibited from attending the 2007 American Sociological Association annual meeting in New York. It is indisputable that scholars from various nations, who are neither dissidents nor opponents of their regimes, are being denied entry for ideological reasons or bilateral diplomatic disputes unrelated to a foreign scholar’s legitimate credentials.

Law and Disorder Audio of Dr Terri Ginsberg: Fired for Humanistic Views on the Middle East

Sunday, January 10th, 2010

This is a link to a podcast in which Terri Ginsberg and her Chicago-based attorney Rima Kapitan discuss the academic freedom violations attendant to the former’s dismissal as a film professor at North Carolina State. I have previously posted her complaint as filed in the state-court system in North Carolina. This link contains three interviews and Dr Ginsberg and Rima Kapitan’s begin around the forty minute mark. One cannot fast forward unfortunately but Law and Disorder is a progressive legal website which merits a wider audience.

They are rather responsive to comments. I noted an error in their institutional affiliation of Terri and it was corrected very quickly with an acknowledgment. The following are the production notes  and image from the website:

terri

Dr Ginsberg at Law and Disorder studio interview:

Film Professor Sues University for Violating Right to Academic Free Speech

In the fall of 2007, Dr. Terri Ginsberg was hired to teach a film class at the North Carolina State University focusing on the media treatment of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in 2008. She was also hired to help program a Middle Eastern film series.  As Terri details in a grievance the director of the film studies program and the director of the Middle East studies program made a series of decisions that violated her academic freedom. Among the decisions was the limiting of Terri’s invovlement in the series that she had initially been hired to curate. Another was the criticism of an introduction she gave at the screening of the Palestinian film “Ticket to Jerusalem” as biased and overly political.

The grievance filed alleged violations of her First Amendment and equal opportunity rights under the University Code. Her grievance was dismissed on the grounds that it was filed too late and that she was no longer a university employee. Terri has now filed a lawsuit, one mention in the complaint states that in the views of several faculty,  Jews who question and challenge the zionist colonial project are non-conforming Jews and therefore are outsiders and dangerous.

Terri Ginsburg / Attorney Rima Kapitan

  • I was given strong indication the teaching professorship would convert into a permanent tenure track position.
  • That I should apply for it and that I was a shoe in for that position. So I moved down from New York City, where I lived for many years to Raleigh, NC. Not long after I got there, a number of incidents occured that led me to believe the conversion was not going to take place.
  • Key people in the faculty were very unhappy with my perspectives on the Israeli – Palestinian conflict and on Zionism. I am a Jewish Anti-Zionist, and I wanted to supply a genuinely balanced perspective on the issue of Zionism and the history as it has been depicted in cinema
  • I showed Israeli films, I showed Palestinian films, I showed the array of cinema on this topic.
  • This is a large campus upwards to 40 thousand students.
  • I was asked to resign from a middle eastern series after I gave an introduction to a film that was pro-Palestinian.
  • Attorney Rima Kapitan: Right now we’re alleging they violated her North Carolina Constitutional Rights. They breached her right to academic freedom and equal protection under the law.
  • Terri covered every path in North Carolina, the only thing left is a constitutional claim in North Carolina.
  • Under the equal protection claim, we’re saying Terri was treated differently because of her religion.
  • Terri: The atmosphere is increasingly worse not only for Jews but anyone who speaks out on this issue, especially for non-tenured and temporary labor.
  • I had minimal support from the AAUP, they failed until we put out a petition that received over 500 signatures.
  • Most faculty on campus were afraid to communicate with me, over email, over telephone.
  • I think the Israel-Palestine conflict is one of the core issues facing the United States.
  • Film is a small field and gossip travels fast. I’m unemployed. When I did my research on the holocaust, I couldn’t ignore the structural relationship between the holocaust and the Nakba.

Guest- Dr. Terri Ginsberg joins us in the studio today she has a Ph.D. in Cinema Studies from New York University and previously taught in the Jewish Studies Program at Dartmouth College and the Cinema Studies Program at Rutgers University. 

Guest – Attorney Rima Kapitan - staff Attorney at CAIR-Chicago. She is a graduate of DePaul University College of Law and Indiana University and a partner with Amal Law Group, LLC, a general practice law firm. Her main areas of interest and specialization are plaintiff-side employment discrimination, civil rights law, workers compensation and estate planning. She is active in the National Lawyers Guild Middle East Committee.

Dr Nalini Rajamannan: Curious “Reassignment to Other Duties” and Additional Academic Freedom Concerns

Tuesday, December 29th, 2009

I think it is obvious that Northwestern Memorial Hospital has suspended Nalini Marie Rajamannan, MD, associate professor, Northwestern University Feinberg School of Medicine, or if one prefers a more charitable term, “reassigned to other duties.” Let us be clear and factual. In 2007 Dr  Rajamannan charged that Dr Patrick McCarthy was conducting unauthorised clinical trials with a mitral-valve device (myxo) without patient consent.  It is not debatable that the myxo device alteration was not F.D.A. approved, although Dr McCarthy and Northwestern and of course the manufacturer, Edwards Lifesciences, claim it did not require F.D.A. approval because the Myxo ETlogix annuloplasty ring 5100 was merely a “minor modification.” Can’t they come up with a less impersonal name for a contraption that is supposed to save someone’s heart from  mitral-valve regurgitation? Anyway, I wonder if patients consider it “minor” to reshape a device going into their heart for possibly decades. Count me as a dissenter here.

Dr Rajamannan was removed from clinical practice in 2008 and reassigned to research duties. This is a fact.  She did not ask for this reassignment but was forced to give up her clinical practice in treating and managing cardiovascular disease. That is what cardiologists do: treat, diagnose, test and ultimately when indicated refer for intervention to a cardiothoracic surgeon. Cardiologists do not slice and dice. They are not surgeons. Surgeons are not cardiologists and are “fixers” of surgically-needed repair, replacements, transplantation and a host of other procedures to keep our hearts pumping our blood throughout our bodies!!

I think it is appropriate to reproduce a passage from a recently published book chapter I contributed to  “Challenges to Academic Freedom Since 9/11,” in Matthew Morgan, ed., The Impact of 9/11 and the New Legal Landscape: The Day That Changed Everything (Palgrave Macmillan, 2009) 65. It summarises the literature on the conditionality for suspensions and reassignment to other duties established by the American Association of University Professors, A.A.U.P. Redbook: Policy Documents and Reports:

http://www.akronaaup.org/images/RedBook.gif

“[Academicians] are being capriciously and arbitrarily suspended or reassigned to other duties for an assortment of reasons. A.A.U.P. policies on sanctions are precise. The suspension of a professor must be restricted to cases in which “immediate harm to the faculty member or others is threatened.” The ninth “1970 Interpretive Comment” of the “1940 Statement of Principles on Academic Freedom and Tenure,” the “1958 Statement on Procedural Standards in Faculty Dismissal Proceedings,” and the revised 1999 “Recommended Institutional Regulations on Academic Freedom and Tenure” clearly articulate this policy.”

It is essential that the public understands that academicians cannot be suspended or reassigned to other duties unless the above provision applies. The documents cited above clearly couple suspension and reassignment to other duties as limited to only those cases that satisfy the “immediate harm” standard. What is rather ironic in this case is that a physician, in an attempt to protect patients whom she feels were being subjected to “immediate harm”  through experimental mitral-valve  repair rings, is transferred from patient care to “research.”

http://journal.shouxi.net/upload/journal/cover/200707131759401480.gif

Dr Rajamannan was lead investigator for an article that I think means pop those statins and your heart valves won’t narrow and inhibit blood flow! Whoopee!!: “Atorvastatin Inhibits Hypercholesterolemia-Induced Calcification in the Aortic Valves via the Lrp5 Receptor Pathway.”

It defies comprehension that Dr Rajamannan’s relative exile was in the best interest of the treatment of her former patients, not to mention future ones, that is the raison d’etre of Northwestern Memorial Hospital and the Bluhm Cardiovascular Institute. It contravenes best practices that a brilliant cardiologist who trained at the Mayo Clinic and is in engaging in presumably cutting edge research on managing the progression of valvular heart disease is barred from examining, treating or consulting with patients! So the question remains was this a public relations move  to remove an assertive advocate for patient care from the orbit of patient care or simply an effort to intimidate a female minority physician who professionally and ethically challenged the surgical practices of a prominent cardiovascular surgeon?

Yet our society should not suppress non-tenured faculty who challenge those who are tenured and have endowed chairs. Academia is required to provide the same amount of academic freedom to BOTH tenured and tenure-track faculty. Northwestern should reexamine its treatment of this physician, carefully study the extant American Association of University Professors literature and simply ask themselves whether patient care is being served and advanced by removing this cardiologist from clinical practice.

Her current reassignment and denial in all likelihood of her academic freedom is in a sense unrelated to the facts or final resolution of the controversy concerning human experimentation v. minor modification of a mitral-valve ring. Her behaviour has been by all accounts that I have read collegial and based on medical practices and not personality or ad hominem character assassination. Northwestern does not benefit from nor should it seek a medical staff that speaks with one voice. It should as the Mayo Clinic and Barnes and Johns Hopkins and Cleveland Clinic presumably do encourage dissent and the robust challenging of others work. This is what we want from our physicians and surgeons: not silence if they reveal medical care that is injurious to patients and in contravention of medical best practices. We want robust and persistent advocacy for patient safety and rights.

As a patient at Northwestern and an advocate for academic freedom for all academicians, I have a stake in this outcome and believe Northwestern can ill afford to ignore and marginalise a physician who is exercising her constitutionally protected free-speech rights with courage and determination. Such actions should induce both public and in particular institutional encouragement and approbation. I know from personal experience , as many who read this are aware, that controversy for an institution might be unpleasant for its administration, but in the long run how it manages controversy has a greater and longer-lasting impact on a university or medical center: Namely its capacity to tolerate intellectual assertiveness and promote academic freedom in the pursuit of truth.

Other Kirstein posts:

January 1, 2010 Did the McCarthy Myxo Ring Require F.D.A. Approval? Dr McCarthy’s Article Described it as “Initial” and “New.” http://english.sxu.edu/sites/kirstein/archives/4151

December 28, 2009 Did Northwestern Retaliate Against Dr Nalini Rajamannan? Was her Academic Freedom Violated?

http://english.sxu.edu/sites/kirstein/archives/4002

December 26, 2009 Part II: Mitral Valve Ring War Between Dr McCarthy and Dr Rajamannan: Race, Class, Gender and Patient Rights. http://english.sxu.edu/sites/kirstein/archives/3964

December 24, 2009 Myxo Mitral Valve Ring War: Dr Patrick McCarthy v. Dr Nalini Rajamannan: I side with Rajamannan

http://english.sxu.edu/sites/kirstein/archives/3911

Comments welcome to kirstein@sxu.edu

Did Northwestern Retaliate Against Dr Nalini Rajamannan? Was her Academic Freedom Violated?

Monday, December 28th, 2009

As a patient for a decade in the Bluhm Cardiovascular Institute at Northwestern Memorial Hospital, I have a dog in this fight: pace Mr Vick! A year or so ago I was contemplating making an appointment with Dr Nalini Rajamannan, the valve director of the Bluhm Cardiovascular Institute, since I have aortic-valve disease and am facing the near certain likelihood of replacement. I went online to read about her impressive credentials and noted she did accept patients. At this website, which one can cut and paste in a browser, it indicates what the patient referral status is of cardiologists at Northwestern:

http://nmhphysicians.photobooks.com/profile.asp?pict_id=4681&Search=Y&Specialty=Cardiology

I decided after a conference with my Northwestern cardiologist, Dr Jyothy Puthumana, that such a consult was not needed at this time. Given the extraordinary talent and care that I was receiving from him, I agreed but had been curious whether her being director of the valve institute would have necessitated an opinion from her. I have read about her research on Portuguese patients with valvular disease who have apparently been able to slow down its progression by taking the statin Crestor, a very high-powered medication in a tiny little pill. I am equally impressed with my cardiologist’s specialty in echocardiography: a huge area in diagnosing cardiovascular disease. He not only gets the read outs from echocardiagrams but also can see the doppler study and independently evaluate it! Again, I have nothing but admiration for the cardiologists at Northwestern.

In any event, if you went to the website above, you will note Dr Rajamannan is not accepting patients and apparently has not been doing clinic since 2008 when the whistleblower began to blow heavy winds on the professional judgment of Dr Patrick McCarthy. This morning I called Northwestern’s 877 number to “make an appointment” with Dr Rajamannan. I was connected to Bluhm and was told by a very cordial and competent staff person, “she is doing only research.” I said, “well how long?” Their answer was, “oh, a couple of years it seems.” I said what about patients she was treating, what happened to them?” They said, “well, I guess they were referred to other cardiologists.” I asked them where her office was and was told they did not know.

In the Wall Street Journal article of December 23, 2009 they included quite a few links to PDF documents including the one below that I cut and pasted onto this blog.  I excerpted the reasons for Senator Chuck Grassley’s, Republican from Iowa, interest in the myxo-ring controversy and his obvious concern that Dr Rajamannan had been sanctioned for being a whistleblower. It appears that for some reason, Dr Rajamannan is not seeing patients which Senator Grassley challenges and seeks an explanation in his letter to then Northwestern President Harry Bienen and Dean Harrison, the C.E.O. of Northwestern Memorial Healthcare.

Even though Senator Grassley lied about death panels and turned his back on those 50 million Americans and/or undocumented workers without health insurance in his opposition to health-care coverage reform, he has doggedly investigated the relationship between physicians and Big Pharma as I covered in the Dr Timothy Kuklo research misconduct case. Anyway this is his letter to Northwestern.

December 3, 2008

Dean M. Harrison
President and Chief Executive Officer
Northwestern Memorial Healthcare
251 East Huron Street
Chicago, IL 60611
Henry S. Bienen, PhD
President  (ed: former president)
Northwestern University
633 Clark Street
Evanston, IL 602085)

Dear Dr. Bienen and Mr. Harrison:

The United States Senate Committee on Finance (Committee) has jurisdiction over the Medicare and Medicaid programs. As a senior member of the United States Senate and as Ranking Member of the Committee, I have  a special responsibility to the more than 80 million Americans who receive health care coverage under those programs to ensure that taxpayer andbeneficiary dollars are appropriately spent on safe and effective drugs  and devices.

I recently received troubling allegations that the Myxo ETlogix 5100 Ring (Myxo Ring), an annuloplasty ring used in heart valve repair, has not been approved and/or cleared for marketing by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA). At the same time it appears that the Myxo Ring has been, and perhaps continues to be, implanted in patients by Dr. Patrick McCarthy, a cardiothoracic surgeon at Northwestern Memorial Hospital.

Furthermore, I was informed that the device is being implanted without an Investigational Device Exemption (IDE), which would allow the device to be used in a clinical study to collect data in support of an application to the FDA for approval. It is my further understanding that Dr. McCarthy invented this device, which is manufactured by Edwards Lifesciences (Edwards), and receives royalty payments from Edwards….

According to a July 24, 2008 letter to Dr. Rajamannan from Northwestern Medical Faculty Foundation, Inc., pursuant to the Foundation’s request, Dr. Rajamannan “agreed not to provide clinical care at Northwestern Medical Faculty Foundation and Northwestern Memorial Hospital.”

a. Please explain why this request was made of Dr. Rajamannan.

b. Did the University and/or Northwestern Memorial Hospital have concerns regarding her clinical performance?

c. Prior to bringing her concerns regarding implantation of the Myxo Ring to the attention of the University, did Dr. Rajamannan receive any poor job performance evaluations? Has the University taken any disciplinary actions against Dr. Rajamannan in the past?

d. Please provide the Committee with a copy of Dr. Rajamannan’s personnel records. Dr. Rajamannan provided a signed authorization on October 28, 2008, for the release of her personal information…

I look forward to hearing from you by no later than January 5, 2009.

Sincerely,

Charles E. Grassley
Ranking Member

I do not know what the disposition of this request was and whether he received a response. Of course Northwestern is not obligated to reveal publicly a personnel matter with one of its staff physicians but I can confirm for whatever reason, she is not available for patient care.

Dr Rajamannan is entitled to academic freedom as defined by the American Association of University Professors. She has the right to address issues of ethics and best practices in carrying out her duties to her patients and to her peers in the profession of cardiology. Her actions of raising the issue of patient experimentation with F.D.A. unapproved myxo rings, in no way bring into question her capacity or skills in practicing clinical medicine but in fact affirm them. The American Association of University Professors includes all faculty in the United States and is the chief defender of their academic freedom and tenure.

If Dr Rajamannan is unaware, she might consider contacting AAUP either directly, my advice, or through her attorney. I am vice-president of the Illinois Conference (State level of A.A.U.P.) and chair of Committee A on Academic Freedom and Tenure. I am also in touch with the national office in Washington, D.C. and I am reasonably  confident there would be interest in a case involving an individual at a major medical center who might have been sanctioned as a university faculty member for actions that fall under academic freedom protection. Specifically in this case, the right to engage in extramural utterances and to do research (or to withhold one’s name from research!) when there is a complaint or grounds of ethical or even legal concerns.

The main source for faculty rights in this nation is A.A.U.P. Policy Documents and Reports (Redbook), 10th ed. Johns Hopkins Press, 2006. It has several statements on medical schools: one is entitled, “Academic Freedom in the Medical School” (1999) that appears on pp. 125-26. I suggest all who are interested in this issue read it:

It states in this excerpt: “According to a 1994 AAUP statement, On the Relationship of Faculty Governance to Academic Freedom, faculty members should be free to speak out “on matters having to do with their institution and its policies,” and they should be able “to express their professional opinions without fear of reprisal.”

Is the removal of a physician from clinical duties a form of reprisal? Is the assignment only to “research” a ruse to avoid Dr Rajamannan from perhaps not referring patients to Dr McCarthy who require cardiovascular intervention? The issue of compensation is irrelevant here assuming her salary was not reduced. It is the issue of allowing a physician to practice the central part of her mission: treatment of patients for research. Not research without patients.  Inquiring minds from Senator Grassley to this patient at Northwestern and activist in A.A.U.P. want to know why she was reassigned to other duties and whether this was retaliation?

She has rights and as a democratic society, we are obligated both morally and professionally, to ensure Dr Rajamannan is treated with fairness, respect and justice.

Other Kirstein posts:

January 1, 2010 Did the McCarthy Myxo Ring Require F.D.A. Approval? Dr McCarthy’s Article Described it as “Initial” and “New.” http://english.sxu.edu/sites/kirstein/archives/4151

December 29, 2009 Dr Nalini Rajamannan: Curious “Reassignment to Other Duties” and Additional Academic Freedom Concerns

http://english.sxu.edu/sites/kirstein/archives/4061

December 26, 2009 Part II: Mitral Valve Ring War Between Dr McCarthy and Dr Rajamannan: Race, Class, Gender and Patient Rights. http://english.sxu.edu/sites/kirstein/archives/3964

December 24, 2009 Myxo Mitral Valve Ring War: Dr Patrick McCarthy v. Dr Nalini Rajamannan: I side with Rajamannan

http://english.sxu.edu/sites/kirstein/archives/3911

comments to kirstein@sxu.edu

Contingent Faculty: Terms and Concepts to Enhance Dialogue on Crisis

Tuesday, December 15th, 2009

The crisis is clear. Tenure and academic freedom are dying by a thousand cuts with the onslaught of non-tenure, non-tenure track contingent faculty. There is unfortunately in academia a tendency to overload simple concepts with a plethora of terms and phrases probably meant to exclude the general public from comprehension. The inclination to create a patois exclusivity to denote learning and impress colleagues with one’s intellectuality even infects activist faculty in their search for social justice for the roughly 1,000,000 contingent teachers in higher education in the United States of America.

Contingent Faculty: This refers to college or university level teachers that are off the tenure track and are tenure ineligible. What that means is they are unable to secure a position leading to tenure. They may be full-time or less than full-time but are basically at-will employees.

At-will Employees This means that a teacher can be fired without cause. His or her position is generally no more secure than an office manager, a secretary, a custodian, a staff person or a director without tenure. They have absolutely no job security and this was the dominant kind of employment in academia before tenure was established beginning in 1915 with the formation of the American Association of University Professors. Contingent faculty have no academic freedom and are marginalised with a total absence of job security due to their being excluded from tenure-track positions. We are back to the future in which 70% of the professoriate (may be spelled professorate as well which refers to the higher-education teaching profession) are contingent. Only about 30% or so of the professorate are tenured or tenure-track.

Tenure-Track Positions: This refers to a teaching position that leads to a tenure decision generally in one’s sixth year of service and beginning, if successful, with one’s eighth year of service. Tenure is an obligation on the part of the university to issue annual contracts until retirement. Tenured faculty have academic freedom, although few exercise it with daring, courageous pedagogy or research, and can be dismissed only for cause. It is not a guarantee of life-time career employment but it usually results in that since the probationary period has ended and the burden for termination rests solely with the administration.

Probationary Faculty: This simply means one is on probation. One is evaluated in a summative manner (leading to decisions on fitness) throughout this period. The term is somewhat harsh but bascially is confined to the period from an initial hire to the decision to grant or not grant tenure. It is usually six years in duration although it may be shorter and longer but the accepted norm is six years. A tenure decision is made during that year. If granted the seventh year is no longer probationary as one, if successful, is subject to dismissal only for cause before the actual tenure kicks in the eighth year. There has to be a year’s notice if tenure is denied so that is why the decision is made in the sixth year.

Adjunct Faculty: This term which I think is demeaning but we are stuck with it is the most common form of contingency and job description in higher education. It usually refers to part-time labour in the academy (the term refers to higher education not to a military or other specific institution). They are usually paid per course and the most exploited in higher education. Generally, they have no offices, no office hours, no online university access, no campus mailbox, no rights that other faculty have and are frequently without health care, pension and other benefits. About 50% of teachers in higher education are in this group–NOTE almost half based on recent Department of Education data at 48%. It is certainly not less now.

Academic Freedom: This basically refers to the rights of the professoriate to teach, publish and engage in extramural utterances without fear of retribution or sanctions. Extramural utterances are frequently used to describe some type of public advocacy: an op-ed, a letter to an editor, a speech, an interview, civil disobedience, a blog posting, a website that engages in advocacy. Academic freedom was formalized in the A.A.U.P. 1940 Statement of Principles on Academic Freedom and Tenure that has been endorsed by 100s of academic and other learned societies. Contingent labour don’t have this. They can’t since their jobs are at-will and there is no prospect of job security. While some probably do express themselves with candor, the degree of self-censorship is rampant out of fear that if they get bad course evaluations or upset a department chair or dean, then they will be fired. This is utterly at variance with the notion of quality education in this country in which students cannot be free if their professors are not.

Conversion from Contingency to Tenure: This refers to the beneficial and essential process in which a contingent position is converted to tenure-track. It could be a full-time contingent position or less than that.  It does elevate the position and require greater scrutiny for excellence and achievement which is what we want from those who walk into a classroom. It also removes the at-will nature of a slot and places it on the tenure-stream which could lead to tenure and the embellishment of academic freedom. Education is enhanced when the professorate is able to pursue the truth, engage in critical thinking, challenge student views, exercise rigour in the classroom, without fear of negative evaluation and termination leading to unemployment and catastrophic economic crisis.

Contingent Faculty and Academic Freedom

Saturday, December 12th, 2009

As we witness the meteoric rise of contingent faculty in this country we need to ponder what the implications of this are on the quality of instruction and student outcomes. As a basic principle, if professors are not free, their students cannot be. Self-censorship, fear of job reprisals and the absence of job security are counterintuitive in seeking and expecting innovative and creative instruction.

Let us be clear and let us be direct. Contingent faculty are at-will employees as are support staff and custodial personnel. Their job security is basically non-existent in which they can be terminated for reasons other than cause: administratrive decisions to fund a position can be altered arbitrarily. Contingent faculty are not free to engage in courageous or robust critical thinking either in the classroom or outside of it. Contingent faculty must eat and support themselves and possibly others. Without job security, they must hedge and go along to get along.

They are indeed academia’s potential industrial reserve army. This term was used by Marx as capitalism was disintegrating to describe the majority of jobless, homeless, alienated labour that eventually acquires class consciousness and replaces the bourgeoisie during a proletarian rebellion. Many contingent faculties are moving toward unionization and organising to afford them some protection from the corporate university that mimicks business firms. There is a growing percentage of employees who are temps, without labour contracts and frequently benefits such as health care and pension plans. Contingent faculty are striking such as graduate assistants at the University of Illinois-Urbana-Champaign. At some institutions, yet all too few, they do have contracts and are organised in unions at such institutions as Illinois State University and Columbia College.

As the tenure/tenure-track pie continues to shrink, one sees academic freedom slowly becoming eviscerated as the power of administrators and tenured faculty to lord over contingency increases. Students need professors whose jobs are secure with a tenure system to buttress it. Only 30% or so of the professoriate in this country are tenure-line faculty. So tenure is becoming a rarity as the new majority is hired to provide “flexibility” for the corporate, all for profit, university.

Critical thinking cannot perdure if its thinkers and educators are timid and marginalised. Critical thinking and the pursuit of the truth are mere commencement and mission-statement propaganda when the institution’s “faculty” really includes only the tenure-stream component. It is immoral to expand contingency for financial purposes when the quality of education is inevitably and ineluctably damaged. Contingency must be contracted not expanded and used only in those circumstances when a full-time position would NEVER be suitable for a tenure-track person or when unexpected enrollment fluctuation requires short-term part-time adjuncts. The burden is on the administration and certain faculty to demonstrate that a full-time faculty appointment should be off the tenure track.

St Xavier University Names New President: Christine Wiseman, J.D. Loyola University Provost

Tuesday, November 24th, 2009

Revised: November 30, 2009

When Provost Wiseman came for her interview, I was struck by the following. Her commitment to social justice and her emphasising her ethical compass. She spoke about her efforts to represent pro bono death row inmates and how it felt to lose a client to the barbarity of state-sponsored executions. I was struck when she described the surreal experience of visiting a client on death row and then returning to her constitutional law class on a Monday. Chris Wiseman was emotional and addressed her failure to save her clients’ lives.

I spoke to that point and said, “It’s society that executes and makes the decision to kill people in this manner. You are part of the solution to stop capital punishment and should construe yourself not as a failure but as an advocate for change and social justice.” I was stupefied, frankly, at this candor on the part of Wiseman and her decision to display her values and ethics as the gateway into her character and capacity to lead.

I had never witnessed a presidential candidate eschew so emphatically the patois of administrationese and address issues of social concern so directly and forthrightly in an open forum with faculty. I felt then and I believe now that Chris brings a value system and an ethical commitment that augurs well for the future growth of the university as both an “institution” and a university that matters as it affects progressive change and critical thinking. For too long some Catholic institutions of higher learning have not been catholic enough: perhaps “our time has come.”

She will assume the presidency in June 2010. Doctor Angela Durante, provost, will serve as interim beginning December 1–my birthday! She follows Doctor Judith A. Dwyer, a strong advocate for academic freedom and shared governance. I am confident and hopeful that President-designate Wiseman will continue that tradition as we search for the truth within a broader societal context that is not always receptive to such inquiry.

JUST RELEASED: Culture Wars: An Encyclopedia of Issues, Voices, and Viewpoints by Roger Chapman

Friday, November 6th, 2009

November 6, 2009

SXU professor publishes encyclopedia articles

Peter N. Kirstein, Ph.D., professor of history, published two articles in the just released, Culture Wars: An Encyclopedia of Issues, Voices, and Viewpoints by Roger Chapman, editor, M.E. Sharpe Press, 2009. Kirstein’s articles are on the topics of “J. Robert Oppenheimer,” the physicist who directed the atomic bomb project at Los Alamos and “Academic Freedom” as a developmental concept beginning in Europe in the 18th century at the University of Göttingen.

The publisher describes the 800-page encyclopedia with the following:
Although openness and inclusion are cornerstones of life in the United States, intolerance and reactionary politics are also very real. Culture Wars addresses the key defining issues of contemporary American society through the lens of political and social controversy.

Featuring hundreds of A-Z entries and several photos, the set examines the history and relevance of the issues, events, controversies, personalities, groups and concepts that have contributed to the political and social polarization of American society over recent decades. It details hot-button topics as well as the role of the media in defining and shaping these issues; everything from abortion, the Christian Coalition, the environmental movement, feminism and gay rights, to illegal aliens, pornography, stem-cell research, Watergate and zero tolerance. A topic finder, bibliography and index add to the set’s utility.

Judith A. Dwyer Receives Academic Freedom Award

Friday, November 6th, 2009

November 6, 2009

SXU’s chapter of American Association of University Professors honors President Judith A. Dwyer, Ph.D. with an award recognizing her contributions to the chapter and to academic freedom on Nov. 4 in Rubloff Hall.

Under A.A.U.P. sponsorship, Dwyer has addressed the University community on a semi-annual basis for several years to enhance shared governance and academic freedom, which has been instrumental in directly discussing major issues of concern within the University.

Peter Kirstein, Ph.D., professor of history and vice president of the American Association of University Professors, Ill., said Dwyer has taken significant steps to ensure the academic freedom of those seeking to bring visiting speakers to campus, and defending the right to host controversial events on campus despite external protest.

“President Dwyer has intervened in some personnel matters that demonstrated courage and a commitment to due process and academic freedom,” said Kirstein. “The relationship between academic freedom and academic excellence is not always understood by university presidents. We have been fortunate to have a president that seeks the latter by protecting the former.”

DePaul University Women Denied Tenure Claim Sex Discrimination

Saturday, October 31st, 2009
Dr Melissa Bradshaw, one of four women denied tenure at DePaul University this past spring.

I find it interesting that Ron Grossman would write an article sympathetic to academic freedom and due process. The Chicago Tribune reporter has a record of gratuitous, anti-Semitic baiting as evidenced in his unseemly review of  the transformative and courageous monograph of John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt, The Israel Lobby. His review was an irresponsible and unprofessional act of ad hominems and cowardly accusations of anti-Semitism for daring to challenge the Israel Lobby and their unwarranted influence in American foreign relations. However, since these women have apparently not intruded into Mr Grossman’s nationalistic world view, they have escaped similar broadsides from his reckless and defamatory pen.

I have previously communicated with each of  these women in my capacity as an officer in the American Association of University Professors-Illinois Conference and I believe that DePaul indeed has a tenure and promotion system, as the international academic community starkly witnessed in the Norman Finkelstein case, in need of significant reform and reconstruction. This blog has and will continue to monitor events on the Vincentian campus as elements within the DePaul community seek reform, fairness and the protection of academic freedom and critical thinking throughout the campus:

By Ron Grossman Tribune reporter, November 1, 2009

While dust-ups over professors denied tenure are normally part of the ivory tower’s spring-term rhythms, this year the sit-ins and picketing at DePaul University have continued into the fall.

Students and faculty have marched in support of Melissa Bradshaw, a professor of women’s and gender studies who didn’t get tenure — higher education’s equivalent of a lifetime job guarantee.

Bradshaw is one of four faculty members who were rejected — because they are women, they say. Their attorney notes that of seven faculty members turned down for tenure this year out of 33 up for consideration, five were women (her clients plus one other who has chosen not to fight the decision).

Of 18 male professors who were candidates for tenure, 16 got it.

Friday afternoon, DePaul President Dennis Holtschneider notified each of the women by e-mail that he was denying their appeal to have their tenure decisions reversed. Two of the women, reached Friday by telephone, indicated that they intend to take DePaul to court, charging the university with gender discrimination.

Their supporters already had planned another sit-in. “We want the administration to know students aren’t happy about this, that it won’t go away,” said Chera Tribble, a senior who organized the marches and sit-in.

The university says it doesn’t condone gender discrimination. “Every faculty member seeking tenure is held to the same standards: scholarship, service and teaching,” said Denise Mattson, DePaul’s vice president for public relations.

Yet, in a report filed in September, a faculty task force found serious flaws in the way candidates for tenure are judged — leaving the door open for possible discrimination, Bradshaw’s supporters say.

Professors are initially evaluated by their departments and colleges — that is, by colleagues in the same field — but ultimately by a universitywide academic board. Under that system, the task force concluded, “the judgments and expertise of dozens of faculty are overturned by the majority of a small committee, most of whom may not have any expertise in the areas they are assessing.”

Unlike at other universities, the tenure review board at DePaul does not just defer to the judgment of a professor’s departmental colleagues. That board’s actions go to the president for a final decision.

In Bradshaw’s case, she got high marks from her own department. Recommending her for tenure, her dean wrote: “Dr. Bradshaw’s record as a teacher and educator has been exceptional.”

Others denied tenure had similarly glowing recommendations. Colleagues in the school of education wrote, as part of the tenure process, that Penny Silvers “demonstrates a strong record of teaching (and) is a consistently productive scholar.” Jennifer Holtz, whose field is online education, was praised by her dean who predicted, when she was being evaluated, that “she will contribute at the highest level for years to come.”

With those kinds of reviews, why were Holtz and the others rejected?

“In every tenure case, the final decision is one of balancing the various arguments for and against tenure,” Mattson said.

Lynne Bernabei, attorney for the four women, thinks a potential for bias is built into the system. She points to that final academic board.

“How does, say, a physics professor decide who is more deserving of tenure, someone in English or maybe engineering?” Bernabei said. “When there is no objective criteria, there’s a tendency to fall back on stereotypes.”

Bradshaw said she felt that when questioned by the tenure board. “They wanted to know how many men were in my classes,” she said. “You wouldn’t ask that of a male professor.”

Speakers at a recent campus protest suspected anti-gay feelings might be involved. Noting the university’s commitment to diversity, they asked how that could be squared with denying tenure to Bradshaw, a founder of DePaul’s minor in the Lesbian/Gay/Bi/Transgender/Queer Studies Program — an unusual, perhaps unique, offering for a Catholic university.

When Bradshaw and her three colleagues appealed their tenure denials via the university’s internal review system, the waters were muddied further.

The women’s appeals were heard by separate faculty boards, all of which found problems in the university’s process for awarding tenure. Two of the appeals boards concluded that, since the process was flawed, the women whose cases they had heard had been denied tenure wrongfully.

Yet the other two boards ruled that their subjects’ tenure denials were legitimate, despite the system’s flaws.

“I just don’t get it,” said Bradshaw. “My colleagues’ boards said that, since the process wasn’t fair, they should get tenure. My board agreed about the system’s faults. But I don’t get tenure?”

At least one of the four professors found a bittersweet silver lining in Friday’s letter from Holtschneider.

“I’m just glad my dad didn’t live to see this,” Holtz said. “He so strongly believed in what he thought DePaul stood for.”

DePaul University Provost Helmut Epp Tries to Defuse Growing Protest Against Tenure Processes.

Sunday, October 25th, 2009

DePaul University fired Dr Norman Finkelstein because of external forces that objected to his scholarship. He was clearly denied tenure for ideological reasons unrelated to his fitness as an academic seeking tenure and promotion. Dr Mehrene Larudee was also denied tenure for similar reasons although more subtly applied in the great DePaul purge of 2007. DePaul University has a unique system of tenure evaluation. In particular its Star Chamber, the University Board on Promotion and Tenure, is the university-wide tenure committee. Yet it does not report its findings to the applicant for tenure or promotion. It merely forwards them to the president, Rev. Dennis H. Holtschneider, C.M. It is the president’s prerogative to share or not the report with the candidate. This alone is an egregious violation of transparency and frankly odious in its lack of fairness and attention to due process.

I agree with Provost Epp that the U.B.P.T. need not rubber stamp lower unit assessment of a candidate: be it a department, programme or school/college. Clearly it has the right to exercise independent judgment but it must be accountable for that judgment. The provost does not even suggest an awareness of this problem and in fact ignores it completely. His basic argument is most problematic: A faculty member at DePaul can only appeal a case on so-called non-substantive grounds: either on academic freedom violations {as if that is not substantive!} or on some inadequate consideration of procedures as defined in the Faculty Handbook. The provost I am sure is aware that charges of discrimination, bias and unfair rendering of a decision on the granting of tenure is fair game in higher education and the courts are increasingly being used as a remedy for arbitrary, and non-transparent processes.

I am also gravely concerned about this statement by the DePaul University provost of the U.B.P.T. process of evaluation:

“This is a substantive review and it can only be done at the university level, where the strength of all of the tenure candidates’ applications are viewed against each other and the university-wide desired range of considerations listed above.”

I concur it is unexceptionable for a review committee to compare and contrast candidates. This could indeed enhance fairness but it should never be the charge of a university committee on tenure and promotion to engage in some type of ranking or comparative exercise. The charge is to apply clearly defined standards and not engage in possible academic “curving” or quotas as they assess a candidate pool. Maybe the provost did not mean to imply such an outcome but this curious statement should be challenged with vigour with a demand for greater clarity by the professorate at the Chicago university.

While I am the newly appointed chair of Committee A on Academic Freedom and Tenure of the Illinois Conference of the A.A.U.P.,  I am expressing my individual assessment of this matter.

MEMORANDUM

To:                    Phil Funk

Faculty Council President

From:                Helmut Epp

Subject:             Promotion and Tenure Appeals

Date:    September 11, 2009

I am writing this memorandum because I am aware that unsuccessful tenure applicants have appealed their tenure decisions on the grounds that the evaluation of the candidate was not in accord with the policies and procedures set out in the Faculty Handbook. I hope that it will provide the faculty Review Boards with additional guidance as they begin their work hearing faculty tenure appeals.

Introduction

The promotion and tenure process at DePaul is controlled by faculty to a degree that has remained unchanged over the past twenty years, and at a level that is unusual in higher education. The University Board on Promotion and Tenure consists of faculty members chosen by Faculty Council, and it is constructed so as to be representative of the university as a whole. As I have observed its work over the past four years, I have been impressed by the seriousness and conscientiousness of the members and by the thoughtful way they discuss each case.

Yet, the past few years have seen faculty letter-writing campaigns in response to some of the Board’s decisions that express a lack of confidence in the judgments of their peers. I am hopeful that the protests of a few will not adversely affect the integrity of the process, as the overwhelming majority of those outcomes are among the most favorable at any university. The promotion and tenure process is not meant to be a measure of a faculty member’s popularity. Rather, it is a neutral, critical evaluation of a faculty member’s scholarship, teaching, and service record. It has been my observation that the Board deliberates carefully before making any decision to grant or deny tenure.

Any faculty Review Board considering a faculty appeal of a negative tenure decision must look to the Faculty Handbook for guidance. I write this memorandum because I am concerned that unsuccessful tenure applicants may, through a selective reading of the Faculty Handbook, have an overly expansive view of the scope of a Review Board’s review of negative tenure decisions. Accordingly, I have

summarized below key aspects of the tenure procedures that, I believe, are often overlooked by faculty members appealing a negative decision. 1 would ask that all Review Board faculty members be made aware of these points before they begin their deliberations.

‘ Previously, on January 15, 2009, Father Holtschneider sent the Faculty Council a memorandum outlining his view on another common argument, that the Faculty Handbook requires notification to a tenure applicant when a lower level recommendation is reversed. I have attached that memorandum for your reference.

Key Provisions of the Faculty Handbook

  1. 1. The Faculty Handbook Limits the Grounds for Appeal.

First and foremost, the Faculty Handbook specifically limits the grounds for appeal of a negative tenure decision to the following two procedural points: (1) that the faculty member’s academic freedom was violated by the dismissal itself; or (2) that the evaluation of the candidate was not in accord with the policies and procedures set out in the Faculty Handbook. (Separation, Appeal Procedure for Nonrenewal of Nontenured and Tenured Track Faculty.)

The Faculty Handbook explicitly prohibits a Review Board from revisiting the substantive tenure decision. Review Boards may not inquire into whether the process by which the decision was made applied inappropriate criteria or applied appropriate criteria unfairly or failed to meet reasonable standards of thoroughness. (Separation, Appeal Procedure for Nonrenewal of Nontenured and Tenured Track Faculty.) To do so would invite a Review Board to substitute its own decision for that of the Board. The Faculty Handbook does not allow for such a result. Nor should it. A tenure decision is the culmination of careful review and deliberation by faculty at every level of the university. Such a decision should not be overturned on substantive grounds by an ad hoc Review Board authorized only to review the record and ensure that the candidate enjoyed the benefits and protections of the Faculty Handbook processes.

Indeed, the Faculty Handbook appeal process is concerned only with protecting academic freedom and the integrity of the tenure review process. Unless a Review Board is convinced that academic freedom has been violated or that the procedures failed to follow the Faculty Handbook, it must accept and affirm the tenure decision.

2. The Burden of Proof Rests on the Complaining Faculty Member.

The Faculty Handbook also makes it clear that a decision to deny tenure stands unless a faculty member can establish a violation of either of the two points listed above. (Separation, Appeal Procedure for Nonrenewal of Nontenured and Tenured Track Faculty.) It is not enough for a complaining faculty member to make an argument that tenure could have been granted or that the faculty member made contributions to the university during his or her probationary period or that his or her scholarship is in some way significant or unique. Rather, the complaining faculty member must establish a violation of academic freedom or a violation of the policies and procedures set out in the Faculty Handbook.

It is important to remember that most tenure candidates come before the Board with – at a minimum – a plausible case for tenure. Every faculty member who completes the probationary period and secures the support of his or her department or school should be proud of these accomplishments. A denial of tenure is not a denial of those accomplishments. Rather, a denial of tenure reflects the university’s measured conclusion that, on balance, the candidate does not have a record of scholarship, teaching, and service sufficient to warrant a lifetime, tenured association with DePaul University. In some cases, reasonable minds may differ as to whether the standard has been met. But it is not up to the Review Boards to assess whether the correct decision was made. The Review Boards can only determine if a complaining faculty member has met the burden of establishing a violation of academic freedom or a violation of the Faculty Handbook.

3. The Faculty Handbook Authorizes the Board to Evaluate Tenure Candidates.

A common argument made on appeal is that the Board substituted its own judgment for that of the sponsoring department or school. This type of argument goes to the very heart of the substantive tenure decision. As described above, the Faculty Handbook does not allow a tenure decision to be reversed on appeal simply because a Review Board may disagree with the decision. Indeed, the argument that the Board improperly substituted its own judgment incorrectly suggests that the Faculty Handbook precludes the Board from conducting a substantive review of the candidates’ applications. The Faculty Handbook language repeatedly makes it clear that this is not the case.

First, the definition and charge of the Board in the Faculty Handbook make it clear that the Board is expected not only to review the lower level reviews and recommendations, but also to apply university-level standards and make independent evaluations of the tenure candidates. The Faculty Handbook specifically states that the Board shall have the following responsibilities:

to apply current university-wide standards and criteria for tenure and promotion;

  1. to review: a) the candidates’ application and supporting materials, b) recommendation from prior levels, and c) the application of departmental and/or college criteria to the candidate;
  2. to recommend action for tenure and/or promotion of the candidate;
    1. to review college/school guidelines and criteria to ensure consistency with stated university expectations as well as reasonable application of these criteria to the evaluation of faculty members.

(Evaluation of Faculty, Procedures and Timetable for Promotion and Tenure, University Board on Faculty Promotion and Tenure.)

The Faculty Handbook explicitly authorizes the Board to apply university-wide standards and criteria for tenure and promotion. This responsibility is separate and apart from the Board’s obligation to review lower level recommendations and the application of lower level criteria. Such an express grant of authority contradicts any argument that the Faculty Handbook limits the Board to reviewing the lower level recommendations.

Second, the Faculty Handbook specifically authorizes each level of review, including the university level, to review critically the lower level decisions. It states that each level “shall consider the method and care of application of the approved standards by the lower level unit(s), including matters of stringency, consistency, and fairness, in addition to any unusual implications the decision may have at the college/school or university level.” (Evaluation of Faculty, Promotion and Tenure Review, General Criteria.) This section makes it clear that subsequent levels may evaluate a candidate’s application both (1) to assess the application of standards by the lower level, and (2) to assess the decision itself at the higher levels.

Moreover, the Faculty Handbook states that the higher level may make their own application of the lower level substantive criteria only when the lower level decisions are deficient in significant respect, such as in matters of stringency, consistency, and fairness. However, the Faculty Handbook places no similar limits on the higher level when assessing the unusual implications the decision may have at the college/school or university level. (Evaluation of Faculty, Promotion and Tenure Review, General Criteria.) Nothing in this language precludes higher levels from both reviewing the prior level decision and making a decision based on higher level concerns and considerations. Indeed, this is entirely consistent with the Board’s separate authority to apply university-wide standards and criteria for tenure and promotion.

Third, the Faculty Handbook details the factors the Board should consider when conducting its substantive review of a candidate’s application. It charges the Board with deliberating and considering the desired range of:

  • combinations of teaching and learning; scholarship, research, and/or other creative activities; and service,
  • the variety of roles through which faculty members serve the institution,
  • the differing needs of the individual units,
  • the institutional demands made on faculty, and
  • the varying levels of support available to faculty members in different units for these various activities.

(Evaluation of Faculty, Promotion and Tenure Review, General Criteria.)

The university-level review thus clearly contemplates that the Board assess a candidate’s scholarship, teaching, and service. Although the Faculty Handbook does state that the tenure candidate’s peers are assumed to represent the university’s best expertise in the relevant academic field, it also characterizes this evaluation as “initial” and “basic.” (Evaluation of Faculty, Promotion and Tenure Review, General Criteria.) The Faculty Handbook requires that the university level review go beyond this initial and basic evaluation and “project the probable future performance of the faculty member in these areas as indicated by accomplishments and efforts during the probationary years.” (Evaluation of Faculty, Promotion and Tenure Review, General Criteria.) This is a substantive review and it can only be done at the university level, where the strength of all of the tenure candidates’ applications are viewed against each other and the university-wide desired range of considerations listed above.

Simply put, the frequently repeated suggestion that the Board may not overturn lower levels on questions of scholarship, teaching, or service cannot be reconciled with clear language in the Faculty Handbook. The university-level review includes the application of current university-wide standards and criteria for promotion and tenure.

Conclusion

If the Board overturns a lower level decision, it may be because the Board found flaws in the method and care of application of the approved standards by the lower level unit(s), including matters of stringency, consistency, and fairness, or because the candidate did not meet university-wide standards and criteria for promotion and tenure, or both. A faculty member who has been denied tenure cannot reverse that decision simply by arguing that the “wrong” result was reached at any level – department, college/school, or university. Rather, the faculty member must establish a violation of the policies and procedures set out in the Faculty Handbook. As the above discussion demonstrates, nothing in the Faculty Handbook precludes a substantive review of the tenure candidates’ scholarship, teaching, and service at the university level. And nothing in the Faculty Handbook requires that the Board accept without question the lower level recommendation. To the contrary, it requires a critical review of the lower level and an independent substantive recommendation at the higher level. Accordingly, an unsuccessful tenure applicant may not successfully base an appeal on the contention that the Faculty Handbook was violated because the school/college or university-level reviews reached a different result than the lower level review. Rather, an unsuccessful tenure applicant must present facts demonstrating that tenure process steps and procedures listed in the Faculty Handbook were not followed. This is a matter of process, not of end result.

Terri Ginsberg, Former North Carolina State Adjunct Professor, Files Complaint

Tuesday, October 20th, 2009

I received this complaint from an attorney working on this case in North Carolina. Dr Ginsberg had shown a film on the Palestinian suffering and conducted a discussion afterward that enraged her superiors and led to her dismissal in 2008. This purge and ideological cleansing represented an unseemly denial of First Amendment rights and an abridgment of her academic freedom. It also is another assault on the students who are denied the opportunity to engage in critical thinking and comprehension of the sufferings in the Middle East.

STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA

COUNTY OF ORANGE

IN THE GENERAL COURT OF JUSTICE

SUPERIOR COURT DIVISION

FILE NO. _____________________

TERRI GINSBERG,)
Plaintiff,)           COMPLAINT)

v.                       (Jury Trial Demanded)

BOARD OF GOVERNORS

OF THE UNIVERSITY OF                           

NORTH CAROLINA ,     

Defendant. 

NOW COMES the Plaintiff, Terri Ginsberg (“Plaintiff”), complaining of the defendant, the Board of Governors of the University of North Carolina (“Defendant”), as follows:

Introduction

  1. This is a direct constitutional claim based in North Carolina common law alleging freedom of speech violations, employment discrimination based on religion and national origin, and retaliation for Plaintiff’s exercise of her right to freedom of speech and for her complaints about discrimination.
  2. Plaintiff’s Complaint is brought pursuant to Article I, Sections 1, 13, 14, and 19 of the North Carolina State Constitution.
  3. Plaintiff seeks declaratory and injunctive relief as well as compensatory damages.


Parties and Jurisdiction

  1. Jurisdiction of this Court is proper pursuant to N.C. Gen. Stat. §§ 7A-240 and 7A-243.
  2. Venue of this Court is proper pursuant to N.C. Gen. Stat. §§ 1-79 and 1-82.
  3. Plaintiff is a citizen and resident of New York, New York, and a former employee of North Carolina State University, a constituent institution of Defendant.
  4. Defendant is a corporate body subject to suit pursuant to N.C. Gen. Stat. § 116-3.  Defendant’s principal place of business is located in Orange County, North Carolina.
  5. Plaintiff has exhausted her administrative remedies and complied fully with all prerequisites to jurisdiction in this Court.

Factual Allegations

  1. Introduction:  The actions of which Plaintiff complains herein were taken because of Plaintiff’s religious identity, in retaliation for her complaints of discrimination, and in order to suppress her statements and characterizations with respect to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.  Plaintiff herein challenges punitive actions that Defendant imposed on her solely because of her statements, and its subsequent failure to remedy those punitive actions despite being given ample opportunity to do so.

A. Activities taken during the course of Plaintiff’s employment

  1. Plaintiff is a Jewish professor who began working at North Carolina State University on August 16, 2007 as a Teaching Assistant Professor (“TAP”) “for a one-year term . . . with the possibility of renewal.”
  2. Defendant stated in its February 29, 2007 addendum its offer letter, “Your appointment to this position is subject to the Constitution and laws of the United States and the State of North Carolina . . . .”
  3. In December of 2006, during Plaintiff’s interview for the TAP position, Dr. Antony Harrison, Chair of the English Department, Dr. Marsha Orgeron, Assistant Professor and Director of Film Studies, and Dr. Devin Orgeron, Assistant Professor of Film Studies, informed Plaintiff that the Department planned to advertise for a tenure-track Assistant Professor of Film Studies position that was to begin in the fall semester of 2008.   They strongly encouraged Plaintiff to apply for the position.
  4. At the beginning of the fall semester of 2007, Dr. Akram Khater, Director of the Middle East Studies Program, also strongly encouraged Plaintiff to apply for the tenure-track position.
  5. At all times relevant herein, Plaintiff performed her job at a level that met or exceeded Defendant’s legitimate expectations.
  6. On information and belief, Dr. Marsha Orgeron is Jewish and of American national origin, Dr. Devin Orgeron is Christian and of American national origin, Dr. Akram Khater is Mormon and of Lebanese national origin, and Dr. Antony Harrison is Christian and of American national origin.
  7. Dr. Marsha Orgeron, Dr. Khater and Dr. Harrison were hostile to Plaintiff’s political views, and believed that as a Jewish American, Plaintiff should not espouse, teach or communicate views that they interpreted as being sympathetic to Palestinian or Muslim perspectives.  In their view, Jews who question and challenge the Zionist colonial project are non-conforming Jews, and therefore are outsiders and dangerous.  Similarly, Drs. Orgeron, Orgeron, Khater and Harrison were hostile to anti-Zionist Arabs and Muslims, whom they also view as undesirable and threatening to their worldviews.
  8. During her employment by Defendant, Plaintiff articulated and presented Arab, Muslim, Iranian, Palestinian, and alternative Jewish perspectives and critiques on U.S. and Israeli policy in Europe and the Middle East.  Drs. Orgeron, Orgeron, Khater and Harrison considered Plaintiff’s alternative Jewish perspective to be anti-Jewish and inappropriate for a Jewish professor.
  9. On October 30, 2007 Dr. Marsha Orgeron issued a teaching evaluation which praised Plaintiff’s pedagogy but criticized her choice of materials, despite the fact that choice of materials was not one of the criteria Dr. Marsha Orgeron was qualified or authorized to evaluate.
  10. Specifically, Dr. Marsha Orgeron suggested the exclusion of an interview with the author of a book whose contents she described as “controversial” and “radical.”
  11. Dr. Orgeron also questioned Plaintiff’s decision to include a short film that presented documentary images of Palestine and asked critical questions about Israel’s treatment of Palestinians.
  12. On information and belief, similarly situated individuals who do not share Plaintiff’s religion and point of view, or belong to religious and national groups about which she was speaking, were not evaluated similarly.  On information and belief, Dr. Marsha Orgeron criticized Plaintiff’s choice of teaching materials because she espoused personal political beliefs that led her to dislike or disagree with the points of view the materials expressed.
  13. In violation of NC State University Regulation 05.20.10.6.3, Dr. Marsha Orgeron, without first discussing the evaluation with Plaintiff or obtaining her signature, submitted the evaluation to Dr. Harrison, the individual who subsequently approved two of the employment decisions complained of herein.
  14. On November 9, 2007 Dr. Khater asked Plaintiff to resign from the Middle Eastern screening series because he deemed a point of view she expressed during her introduction to a film presented at an on-campus presentation to be “pro-Palestinian.”  Plaintiff was also excluded from curating other Film Studies Program activities, despite the fact that she was highly qualified to do so, and despite the fact that curating such programs was one of her job requirements.
  15. Also on November 9, 2007, Dr. Khater verbally admonished Plaintiff for having e-mailed him a request for travel reimbursement for a guest speaker of Syrian/Muslim background which had previously been improperly denied.  The speaker had given a well-attended campus presentation about Orientalism in American culture on October 18, 2007 in conjunction with the Middle Eastern screening series.  Defendant never issued the speaker the travel reimbursement he was due, and Defendant deducted taxes from his honorarium despite his submission of proper papers showing exemption from such taxation.
  16. In that meeting, Dr. Khater further admonished Plaintiff for having invited an Iranian filmmaker to the Middle Eastern screening series to present one of his short films, introduce an Iranian feature film, and speak afterwards on a panel of scholars about Middle Eastern cinema.  Dr. Khater, who had originally agreed to the invitation, subsequently reneged upon learning that the filmmaker was of Kurdish ethnicity.  Dr. Khater insisted that the short film was inappropriate for the series but supplied no explanation for his assertion.  The filmmaker did not receive his full travel/accommodations reimbursement from NCSU, despite his and Plaintiff’s repeated inquiries into the matter, until November 2008, approximately one year after his campus visit.
  17. Beginning in November of 2007, Dr. Marsha Orgeron refused to purchase a majority of the visual materials Plaintiff had requested for her Spring 2008 course on cinema of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict.  The only films on that syllabus for which she agreed to place orders (that were not already owned by the Film Media Lab) were those directed by Zionist Jewish Israelis.
  18. On information and belief, Dr. Marsha Orgeron did not refuse to order necessary equipment for similarly-situated colleagues who do not share Plaintiff’s religious background and academic viewpoint or who did not speak out in defense of individuals of Palestinian, Arab or Muslim national origin or religion.  Faculty who received full support in equipment and instruction material had a crucial advantage in their ability to adequately perform their teaching jobs.
  19. On information and belief, Dr. Marsha Orgeron’s negative performance evaluation and refusal to order equipment for Dr. Ginsberg’s course, Dr. Khater’s admonishments relating to Plaintiff’s speech and the guest speakers, Dr. Khater’s instructions to Plaintiff to resign from the Middle Eastern screening series, and Defendant’s exclusion of  Plaintiff from curating Film Studies Program activities, stem directly from Defendant’s hostility to Dr. Ginsberg’s religious identity and point of view, as well as from its hostility to Dr. Ginsberg’s association or perceived association with individuals of Middle Eastern and Muslim descent and Middle-East-related organizations.

B. Non-reappointment and Failure to Hire

  1. On information and belief, when Defendant hired Plaintiff, it intended to terminate Plaintiff’s TAP position in the fall of 2008 and instead hire her for a tenure-track position.
  2. Before Plaintiff complained about discrimination and voiced opinions with which Defendant disagreed and which clashed with Defendant’s idea of appropriate Jewish viewpoints, Dr. Harrison, Dr. Khater, Dr. Orgeron and Dr. Orgeron had indicated to Plaintiff that she was a strong and favored contender for the tenure-track position.  Defendant also made several statements to Dr. Ginsberg implying that she would continue to be employed at Defendant the following year.
  3. Plaintiff was not even granted an interview for the position, despite the fact that it is Defendant’s customary practice to grant interviews to internal candidates.
  4. Plaintiff was not selected for a tenure-track Assistant Professor of Film Studies position that was to begin in the fall semester of 2008.
  5. On information and belief, the selected candidate, Dr. Ora Gelley, who is Jewish, was selected in preference to Plaintiff because she had not published scholarly work or engaged in classroom speech that challenged Zionist policy in the Middle East, or that would be perceived to represent Palestinian, Iranian, Arab or Muslim, or alternative Jewish perspectives on those topics.  In fact, on information and belief, Dr. Gelley avoids discussion of Zionism in her scholarly work even when it is highly relevant to the issues she is discussing.
  6. Plaintiff’s academic qualifications far exceeded those of Dr. Gelley.
  7. Dr. Marsha Orgeron served as Chair of the search committee that rejected Plaintiff from the position.  Dr. Devin Orgeron also served as a member of the search committee.  Drs. Marsha and Devin Orgeron took Plaintiff’s religious identity, associations and expressed viewpoints into account during the search committee process.  Dr. Marsha Orgeron interfered with the search committee process to ensure Plaintiff was removed from consideration for the position.
  8. On January 25, 2008, Plaintiff sent an electronic mail message to the Film Studies Search Committee asking why she had not been selected, and sent a copy of the message to Dr. Antony Harrison, Chair of the English Department.
  9. On January 31, 2008, Dr. Harrison responded that “[t]he candidates who most closely matched the specific qualifications were selected for interview.”
  10. On January 31, 2008, Plaintiff asked for further clarification, alleging that “the committee’s decision . . . was adopted pursuant to impermissible considerations.”  Dr. Harrison declined to provide further clarification.
  11. On February 18, 2008, Dr. Harrison informed Plaintiff in writing that she would not be hired for the tenure-track Assistant Professor position in Film Studies, stating that “other applicants are a better match for our needs at this time.”
  12. On March 24, 2008, Dr. Toby Parcel, Dean of the College of Humanities and Social Sciences, having previously met with Plaintiff to discuss the search committee’s decision not to hire her for the tenure-track position, communicated to Plaintiff that she found nothing improper in the search committee’s decision-making process.
  13. On March 26, 2008, Plaintiff filed a grievance petition with James D. Martin, who, as Chair of the NCSU Faculty, was charged with administering grievance procedures.  She included in the petition allegations that Defendant had violated her constitutional rights.  At the advice of Dr. Martin, who had consulted with other employees and agents of Defendant, Plaintiff filed an amended petition on May 6, 2008 that excluded allegations about discrimination.
  14. On April 10, 2008, Dr. Harrison informed Plaintiff that she would not be reappointed as a Teaching Assistant Professor for the 2008-2009 school year.  His stated reason for the non-reappointment was that the department’s “staffing needs for film courses next year have been met.”
  15. Dr. Harrison failed to renew Plaintiff’s TAP contract because of the improper and discriminatory influence of Dr. Marsha Orgeron and Dr. Khater, and in retaliation for Plaintiff’s complaints about discrimination.
  16. On June 17, 2008, Chancellor James L. Oblinger ruled that Plaintiff’s grievance could not continue, in part because Defendant did not have jurisdiction over Plaintiff’s grievance since Plaintiff was no longer employed at Defendant.  Chancellor Oblinger further stated that “the decision not to extend another contract at the expiration of an appointment is not grievable.”
  17. The effect of Chancellor’s ruling is that TAPs have no adequate internal mechanism to grieve adverse employment actions that are based on prior discrete discriminatory acts.
  18. On or about September 16, 2008, Plaintiff appealed the decision of Chancellor Oblinger to the Academic Affairs and Personnel Committee of the NCSU Board of Trustees.
  19. On November 3, 2008, the Committee informed Plaintiff that it had affirmed the decision of Chancellor Oblinger.
  20. On December 5, 2008, Plaintiff filed a Petition for a Contested Case Hearing in the Office of Administrative Hearings, appealing the dismissal of her grievance and alleging employment discrimination and retaliation, as well as violations of the North Carolina State Constitution.
  21. On March 24, 2009, the Office of Administrative Hearings (“OAH”), on Defendant’s motion, dismissed the petition with prejudice on the basis that the OAH lacked subject matter jurisdiction, because teaching faculty of the UNC system are exempt from the contested case provisions of the State Personnel Act.
  22. Accordingly, Plaintiff has no non-constitutional remedy under state law for the deprivation of her constitutional rights.

CAUSE OF ACTION: VIOLATION OF PLAINTIFF’S RIGHTS

TO FREEDOM OF SPEECH, RELIGIOUS LIBERTY AND EQUAL PROTECTION

  1. Plaintiff realleges and incorporates by reference paragraphs 1 through 50 of this Complaint.
  2. Defendant’s actions as alleged herein constitute violations of the freedom of speech provision of the North Carolina State Constitution.  NC Const. art. I, § 14.
  3. Defendant’s actions as alleged herein constitute violations of Plaintiff’s rights of conscience, as guaranteed by the North Carolina State Constitution.  NC Const. art. I, § 13.
  4. Defendant’s actions as alleged herein constitute violations of the right to equal protection as guaranteed by the North Carolina State Constitution.  NC Const. art. I, §§ 1, 19.
  5. Plaintiff has suffered lost wages in an amount exceeding $10,000 as a proximate result of Defendant’s conduct as alleged herein.
  6. Plaintiff has suffered mental and emotional distress, and other damages in an amount exceeding $10,000 as a proximate result of Defendants’ conduct alleged herein.


Prayer for Relief

WHEREFORE, Plaintiff respectfully requests the following relief:

  1. That all matters so triable be tried by a jury.
  2. That the Court declare that the acts and practices complained of herein are in violation of Sections I, XIII, XIV and XIX of Article I of the North Carolina State Constitution.
  3. That Plaintiff be granted compensatory damages in an amount exceeding $10,000.
  4. That the Court award Plaintiff reasonable attorney’s fees.
  5. That the Court direct Defendants to pay Plaintiff such interest as may be allowed by law.
  6. That the Court order such other relief as law and justice allow.

This the _____ day of October, 2009.

___________________________________

Caitlyn T. Fulghum

Attorney for Plaintiff

100 East Parrish Street, Suite 300

Durham, NC 27701

(919) 680-6100

VERIFICATION

TERRI GINSBERG, having affirmed or been sworn, states that she is the Plaintiff in this action, that she has read the foregoing Complaint, and knows the contents thereof, that the same is true of her own knowledge, save and except those matters and things therein stated upon information and belief and, as to those, she believes them to be true.

_____________________________________

Terri Ginsberg

Affirmed or sworn to and subscribed before me

This the _____ day of October, 2009.

__________________________________

Notary Public

My Commission expires:  _____________________________

What We Can’t Teach: Norman Finkelstein, DePaul and the Suppression of Academic Freedom

Sunday, October 18th, 2009

This paper was presented at the Associated Colleges of the Chicago Area (ACCA) Symposium on Pedagogy at  Lewis University, October 17, 2009. The proposal was submitted prior to its publication which appeared a few weeks before the conference.* It also includes transgressions and assaults from other opponents of progressive exchange in the classroom such as Daniel Pipes’s conformist Campus Watch and the noted conservative editor and author David Horowitz.

During war, American democracy is imperiled less by external threats than by demands for internal conformity that restrict free speech. Despite the mythic belief that America’s wars extend democracy and preserve civil liberties, they frequently are accompanied by rampant nationalism that dehumanizes the enemy and demands reverential patriotism. “War is the health of the state” was the sardonic observation of essayist and progressive intellectual Randolph Bourne during World War I when ruling elites maximized their power  by seeking total allegiance to the state.[1] Columbia University President Nicholas Murray Butler abolished academic freedom on his campus in 1917 during the Great War when he issued at commencement a “warning to any among us … who are not with whole heart and mind and strength committed to fight with us to make the whole world safe for democracy.”[2] Edward Bemis may have been the first professor dismissed for extramural activities while teaching at the University of Chicago. He tried to mediate an end to the epic Pullman Strike in 1894. Scott Nearing, an economist at the University of Pennsylvania, became the first fired progressive professor for opposing child labor in the coal mines in 1915.[3] Supporting antiwar and internationalist activism have replaced antiestablishment economic advocacy as the most likely to unleash challenges  to academic freedom.

During the height of cold-war McCarthyism from 1952 to 1954, nationalistic show trials and suppression of dissent was notorious when hundreds of academics were fired for resisting congressional inquiries into alleged Communist Party affiliation. First Amendment and Fifth Amendment efforts to avoid self-incrimination were disallowed by this crusade for militant anticommunism. Thirty-seven presidents from leading universities issued a statement disparaging the “fitness” of any professor unwilling to report or silence alleged communists or opponents of the cold war. Also, hundreds of secondary-school teachers were purged after a “local loyalty probe” or following testimony before the House Un-American Activities Committee.[4]

Academic freedom is defined by the landmark American Association of University Professors “1940 Statement of Principles on Academic Freedom and Tenure.” Academic freedom gives professors the right to pursue research and publish its results; academicians have “freedom in the classroom” to determine their pedagogy. Instructors have the right to “speak and write as citizens …[and] should be free from institutional censorship or discipline.”[5] Professors should strive for accuracy, respect the opinions of others, and not claim to speak for their institution.[6] “A faculty member’s expression of opinion as a citizen cannot constitute grounds for dismissal unless it clearly demonstrates the faculty member’s unfitness to serve. Extramural utterances rarely bear upon the faculty member’s fitness for continuing service. …In a democratic society freedom of speech is an indispensable right of the citizen.”[7] In Keyishian v. Board of Regents, academic freedom was dramatically elevated by the Supreme Court to a quasi-constitutional right. Justice William J. Brennan, Jr. delivered the majority opinion:

Our Nation is deeply committed to safeguarding academic freedom which is of transcendent value to all of us and not merely to the teachers concerned. That freedom is therefore a special concern of the First Amendment, which does not tolerate laws that cast a pall of orthodoxy over the classroom. … The Nation’s future depends upon leaders trained through wide exposure to that robust exchange of ideas which discovers truth.[8]

While not as sweeping as Keyishian, Justice Lewis F. Powell, Jr. in Regents of the University of California v. Bakke reaffirmed “academic freedom, though not a specifically enumerated constitutional right, long has been viewed as a special concern of the First Amendment.” A university must have the “freedom… to make its own judgments as to education …”[9] Nevertheless since World War I, academic freedom has periodically been vulnerable to war’s conformist regimen and its attendant emphasis on ideological obedience.

The threat to academic freedom is multidimensional. Overt government repression, “departmental colleagues, university administrators, students, trustees, media pundits, organized campaigns by groups unrelated to the university and local politicians” attempt to police and regulate academic speech, teaching, and research.[10] Subsequent to September 11, 2001, there emerged a comprehensive campaign against academic freedom. The attacks on the Pentagon and World Trade Center, followed by the “Global War on Terror,” now called “Overseas Contingency Operation” by the Barack Obama administration, exacerbated the culture wars and unleashed organized crusades against critical thinking. At risk were academicians who denounced the Iraq war, questioned the innocence of America prior to the 9/11 attacks, and rejected U.S. support of Israel’s continued brutal occupation of Palestine and Syria’s Golan Heights.

Norman G. Finkelstein was an assistant professor of political science at DePaul University. He is a transformative, daring scholar who published The Holocaust Industry and Beyond Chutzpah: On the Misuse of Anti-Semitism and the Abuse of History.[11] Finkelstein claimed that elements of the Jewish community exploit the sufferings of the Holocaust to advance Israel’s geostrategic interests and gratuitously exaggerate the prevalence of anti-Semitism in order to deflect criticism from its forty-two year occupation of Palestinian land with its expanding settlement population. The son of Holocaust survivors, Finkelstein’s parents survived the Warsaw Ghetto and Nazi death camps during World War II.[12]

In Beyond Chutzpah, Finklestein relentlessly assails Alan M. Dershowitz’s The Case for Israel.[13] He claims the work is inaccurate, that Dershowitz disingenuously cites primary sources that were not consulted but instead lifted from other authors’ footnotes, and that the entire work is essentially derivative from the discredited scholarship of Joan Peters. Peters claimed erroneously an absence of a Palestinian presence in the areas from which Israel was created in 1948. The Case for Israel is dismissed. The book is portrayed as mere propaganda to justify Israel’s colonization of Palestine.[14] Dershowitz, Frankfurter Professor of Law at the Harvard Law School, attempted to prevent the University of California Press from publishing Beyond Chutzpah with a direct appeal to Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger and threatened defamation litigation if charges of plagiarism and nonauthorship of The Case for Israel were not redacted from the published text.[15] The governor’s office responded by informing Dershowitz that, “You have asked for the Governor’s assistance in preventing the publication of this book … [but] he is not inclined to otherwise exert influence in this case because of the clear, academic freedom issue it presents.”[16]

For almost two years Dershowitz tried to derail Finkelstein’s application for tenure and promotion through a sustained media blitz. Dershowitz used the Wall Street Journal, The Jerusalem Post, InsiderHigherEd.com, The New Republic online, FrontPageMag.com, his own website, and other venues to oppose the granting of tenure to the DePaul professor. Dershowitz referred to Finkelstein as an “anti-Semite,” his publications as “trash,” and called him a “neo-Nazi supporter, a Holocaust trivializer, and a liar … and … like a little worm.”[17] Political Science Professor Patrick Callahan requested on June 15, 2007 that Dershowitz share with the Political Science Department Personnel Committee more than 50 pages of allegations concerning Finkelstein’s putative academic misconduct. Callahan opposed granting tenure to Finkelstein and warned the Personnel Committee that if it did not consider the Dershowitz dossier, he would distribute it to the entire department.[18] Dershowitz eagerly complied and sent these j’accuse materials to the Department of Political Science and even the DePaul University College of Law faculty.

The twelve-member Liberal Arts and Sciences’ Faculty Governance Council decided on November 17, 2007 to send a letter to the president of Harvard University, the Harvard Law School dean, and DePaul University President Reverend Dennis H. Holtschneider. The Faculty Governance Council wanted their support in ending Dershowitz’s highly publicized intrusion into the proceedings of the university’s personnel-review process.[19] The Political Science department’s Personnel Committee unanimously rejected by 4-0 all charges of academic misconduct and dishonesty claimed by Alan Dershowitz, Daniel Jonah Goldhagen, and Peter Novick. The Department of Political Science recommended by a 9-3 majority the granting of tenure and promotion to associate professor. The five-person College of Liberal Arts and Sciences’ Personnel Committee voted unanimously for Finkelstein’s tenure and promotion. Callahan, a former department chair, Michael L. Mezey, the previous dean of the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, and Jim Block submitted a minority report opposing Finklestein’s tenure.

The dean of the college, Chuck Suchar, rejected the departmental and college-level recommendations for promotion and tenure in a memorandum on March 22, 2007, which was first published in its entirety on my web log on April 5, 2007.[20] Suchar’s main argument in opposing Finkelstein receiving tenure was the tone and supposed lack of civility in his writings and interactions with colleagues. The dean’s outrageous claim that the professor lacked collegiality toward departmental colleagues was based upon a rumor from the “General Consul’s  [sic] office,” that Finkelstein “was considering filing a law suit” against those opposing his tenure.[21] The right to litigate and sue is an American right that should not be cited as a lack of collegiality to deny an academician tenure and promotion to associate professor.

He avers that “the tone and substance … [are] inconsistent with DePaul’s Vincentian values.” Suchar provides a single example from a huge body of published work to claim grave rhetorical misconduct: “My reading of Dr. Finkelstein’s work, especially The Holocaust Industry, where in one chapter alone Goldhagen, [Benny] Morris, [Elie] Wiesel, [Jerzy] Kosinski and many others are collectively attacked as ‘hoaxters and huxters,’ typifies his apparent penchant of reducing an argument and oppositional views to the inevitable personal and reputation damaging attack, demeaning those with whom he disagrees.”[22]

DePaul University is a Roman Catholic institution founded under the charism of the Vincentians, a priestly religious order. In The Holocaust Industry, the second chapter, pp. 39–78, is titled with correctly spelled words: “Hoaxers, Hucksters, and History.” This is in reference to Zionists who used the Holocaust to exaggerate Israel’s vulnerability and to extract excessive reparations from successor governments or financial institutions allegedly complicit with Germany during World War II.

Dershowitz’s compilation of alleged Finkelstein transgressions also contained this accusation: “Among the dozen or so Jewish writers whose careers Finkelstein has tried to destroy with the same accusations—‘fraud,’ huxter,’ ‘shake-down artist,’ ‘plagiarist’—he has only ever written a full book about one other: Daniel Goldhagen”[23] (emphasis added). Suchar also misspelled “huckster” as “huxter.” It is arguable the DePaul University dean used Dershowitz’s misspelling of “huckster” and other egregious charges in compiling his anti-tenure memorandum.

The Finkelstein case became a cause célèbre that galvanized groups across the political spectrum. The Guardian, Haaretz, and The Jerusalem Post provided spacious coverage of the academic freedom controversy. [24] The Middle East Studies Association, the Illinois Conference of the American Association of University Professors (AAUP), and the DePaul Academic Freedom Committee wrote letters and conducted public fora in support of Finklestein. Opponents included neoconservatives and ardent supporters of an Israel-can-do-no-wrong policy.[25]

On May 11, 2007, DePaul’s University Board on Promotion and Tenure (UBPT) voted 4-3 against the granting of tenure to Norman Finkelstein. On June 8, 2007, Holtschneider announced that Finkelstein had been denied tenure and on September 5, 2007 a settlement was reached between the parties.[26] Mehrene E. Larudee, assistant professor of International Studies and director-designate of the International Studies Program, was an intrepid supporter of Finkelstein.[27] She was the only other probationary-faculty member in 2007 who was denied tenure in the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences. Unlike Finkelstein, Suchar recommended her for tenure and promotion but Larudee was still denied tenure by Holtschneider upon receiving a non-recommendation by the UBPT.[28]

Ideologically inspired interest groups that engaged the post–9/11 world in cold-war Manichaean terms of good (United States) versus evil (“Islamofascism”), have attempted to cleanse ideologically progressive internationalists from the academy. In September 2002, Daniel Pipes, director of the Middle East Forum, launched his “Campus Watch” website to blacklist and marginalize progressive Middle Eastern scholars who were described as fifth columnists, supporters of “radical Islam,” and apologists for terrorism. Middle East specialists who did not support Israel in its conflict with the stateless Palestinians were smeared with charges of ideologically distorted scholarship and displaying bias toward pro-Israel students. Pipes’s censorious campaign triggered a robust challenge when hundreds of nonspecialists demanded that their names be included alongside the Campus Watch blacklist. Pipes then published a companion list with a McCarthyism-invoking title, “Solidarity with the Apologists.”[29] Both lists were eventually removed from Pipes’s Campus Watch website.

In 2004, the David Project Center for Jewish Leadership produced an incendiary film, “Columbia Unbecoming,” that attacked Columbia University’s Middle East Asian Languages and Cultures Department as anti-Semitic and discriminatory against ideologically oppositional students. Although Columbia’s Barnard College anthropology Professor Nadia Abu El-Haj was granted tenure in the fall of 2007, her seminal monograph, Facts on the Ground: Archaeological Practice and Territorial Self-Fashioning in Israeli Society, generated websites, blogs, and online petitions that demanded her dismissal.[30] Her book instigated a propaganda campaign between Israel Firsters, who charged the book was fatally flawed and even anti-Semitic, and revisionists—who supported her critique of Israeli archeologists who politicized and extrapolated a dubious biblical claim to the territory of the current State of Israel.[31]

Like the Phoenix, a New McCarthyism has arisen as academicians are bullied and intimidated by highly partisan ideological-presssure groups. Thought police contributing to this recrudescence of a new age of conformity include NoIndoctrination.org, the American Council of Trustees and Alumni, founded by Lynn Cheney, David Horowitz Freedom Center, Horowitz’s Students for Academic Freedom, media pundit Laura Ingraham and Roger Kimball, editor and publisher of The New Criterion. Horowitz’s online magazine, FrontPageMag.com, engages in a relentless stream of vituperative attacks [32]against socially activist academics.[33]

His most daring book, The Professors: The 101 Most Dangerous Academics in America, attempts to identify the most radical and “un-American” scholars and is quite similar to the 1950 McCarthy-era Red Channels blacklist. Horowitz argues that social sciences and humanities faculties are riddled with disloyal professors who “spew violent anti-Americanism, preach anti-Semitism, and cheer on the killing of American soldiers and civilians.”[34] His most recent work, One Party Classroom, continues his allegation that professors have transformed traditional pedagogy into crusading Marxist and victim-emphasizing propaganda. Horowitz berates and mocks socially conscious instructors who offer courses in Peace Studies, Women Studies and race and ethnic discrimination. [35]

Such is the state of academic freedom in America today.


[1]. Howard Zinn, A People’s History of the United States (New York: HarperCollins, 2001), 297.

[2]. Robert Post, “The Structure of Academic Freedom,” in Academic Freedom after September 11, ed. Beshara Doumani (Brooklyn: Zone Books, 2006), 61. Somewhat ironically Butler shared the Nobel Peace Prize with Jane Addams in 1931.

[3]. Bertell Ollman, “The Ideal of Academic Freedom as the Ideology of Academic Repression, American Style,” 1, “Freedoms at Risk Conference,” New York University, February 23, 2008.

[4]. Ellen Schrecker, The Age of McCarthyism: A Brief History with Documents, 2nd ed. (New York: Bedford Books, 2002), 37–38.

[5]. “1940 Statement of Principles of Academic Freedom and Tenure,” A.A.U.P. Policy Documents and Reports,“Redbook, 10th ed. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006), 3.

[6]. Ibid., 4.

[7]. “Committee A Statement on Extramural Utterances,” A.A.U.P. Policy Documents and Reports, “Redbook, 9th ed. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001), 32.

[8]. Keyishian v. Board of Regents, 385 U.S. 589 DELETE, 603 (1967); Thomas L. Tedford and Dale A. Herbeck, Freedom of Speech in the United States, 5th ed. (State College, PA: Strata Publishing, 2005), 316–317.

[9]. Regents of the University of California v. Bakke, 438 U.S. 265 (1978).

[10]. Project of the Taskforce on Middle East Anthropology, “Academic Freedom and Professional Responsibility after 9/11 : A Handbook for Scholars and Teachers,” 2006, 4–5.

[11]. Norman G. Finkelstein, The Holocaust Industry: Reflections on the Exploitation of Human Suffering, 2nd ed. (New York: Verso Press, 2003); Norman G. Finkelstein, Beyond Chutzpah: On the Misuse of Anti-Semitism and the Abuse of History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005).

[12]. Patricia Cohen, “Outspoken Political Scientist Denied Tenure at DePaul,” New York Times, June 11, 2007.

[13]. Alan Dershowitz, The Case for Israel (Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2003).

[14]. Joan Peters, From Time Immemorial (New York: Harper and Row, 1984).

[15]. Alan Dershowitz, “Tsuris over Chutzpah,” The Nation, August 29/September 5, 2005, 2.

[16]. Jon Weiner, “Weiner Replies,” The Nation, August 29/September 5, 2005, 2, 30.

[17]. Jeffrey Felshman, “Whose Holocaust Is It Anyway?: Why Alan Dershowitz Wants DePaul Professor Norman Finkelstein Fired,” Chicago Reader, August 26, 2005.

[18]. DePaul Political Science Department, “Personnel Committee,” November 1, 2006, http://english.sxu.edu/sites/kirstein/?p=696.

[19] Michal Lando, “Dershowitz, Finkelstein and a Bitter Tenure Battle,” Jerusalem Post, April 19, 2007, http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?apage=2&cid=1176152838045&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull ; Christopher Brown, “Academic Repression Update/A Question of Scholarship,” The Advocate (CUNY Graduate Center), May 4, 2007. http://gcadvocate.org/index.php?action=view&id=151.

[20]. Peter N. Kirstein blog: http://english.sxu.edu/sites/kirstein/?p=680.

[21]. Ibid.

[22]. Ibid., http://english.sxu.edu/sites/kirstein/?p=680;

[23]. Ibid., http://english.sxu.edu/sites/kirstein/?p=691.

[24]. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2007/jun/12/usa.highereducation; http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull&cid=1176152838045; http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/901583.html.

[25]. For opposition to the granting of tenure see Steven Plaut, “The Finkelstein Affair,” FrontPageMag.com, April 23, 2007, http://frontpagemag.com/Articles/Read.aspx?GUID=9B47A2C9-CA6B-43DE-9D09-970B2EE29405; Phrase “Israel-can-do-no-wrong policy” from Roger Cohen, “The Fierce Urgency of Peace,” New York Times, March 26, 2009.

[26]. http://sherman.depaul.edu/media/webapp/mrNews2.asp?NID=1655.

[28]. Sierra Millman, “DePaul Professor Who Supported Finkelstein Also Was Denied Tenure,” The Chronicle of Higher Education, June 12, 2007.

[29]. Colin Wright, “Editorial Introduction”; “Campus Watch: Surveying a Non-Apologetic Solidarity,” Situation Analysis 3 (Spring 2004): 1–20.

[30]. Jane Kramer, The Petition: Israel, Palestine, and a Tenure Battle at Barnard,” New Yorker, April 14, 2008, 50–59.

[31]. “Israel Firster” term encountered on Tikun Olam blog, http://www.richardsilverstein.com/tikun_olam/.

[33]. Steven Plaut, “The Eviction of Norman Finkelstein,” FrontPageMag, May 29, 2008. Finkelstein’s denial of tenure is embraced and he is slandered as a “crackpot” and for supporting “Holocaust denial.” http://frontpagemag.com/Articles/Read.aspx?GUID=94D46D9E-C1E5-4CE9-99BF-7C1EF803CADA.

[34]. David Horowitz, The Professors: The 101 Most Dangerous Academics in America (Washington, DC: Regnery Publishing, 2006); Quotation is from inside cover. I was included among the 101 professors. See also David Horowitz, Indoctrination U (New York: Encounter Books, 2007).

[35]. David Horowitz, One-Party Classroom: How Radical Professors at America’s Top Colleges Indoctrinate Students and Undermine Our Democracy (New York: Crown Forum, 2009).

*These were excerpted from the recently published book chapter:  “Challenges to Academic Freedom Since 9/11,” in Matthew Morgan, ed., The Impact of 9/11 and the New Legal Landscape: The Day That Changed Everything (Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), 57-74.

http://www.palgrave.com/products/ShowJacket.asp?ISBN=9780230608382&width=385&height=625

Why I Teach: An e-mail exchange

Saturday, October 10th, 2009

I rarely post items on pedagogy because I think professors should refrain from disseminating their pedagogical tactics. In a freer academic environment than the oppressive one currently obtaining in the United States, such would be welcomed but I would prefer we err on the side of modesty and not attempt to create templates of pedagogy which has over the decades educated little and resolved virtually nothing in the area of reform and critical thinking. However, due to this exchange, I can’t resist because of the rewarding comments and my own growth as a university professor.

The class is United States History 104: 1877 to Vietnam. I asked the student’s permission prior to a midterm examination if I could move  the scholar to a different seat. I was told reluctantly it was acceptable and I repeated the request for permission even after the switch and was again told reluctantly there was consent. I wanted to empower the student. I wanted to give this student the sense of control that is all too lacking in pedagogy.

http://www.nuigalway.ie/microbiology/cpoblab/gamidi/images/Email%20Icon.jpg

Also email is part of the pedagogical process. Note how the student evolved from frustration to acceptance to spirited glee. I did not want to share the grade prior to returning the exams but I did so anyway due to the request. I did not want the person to return to the original location but gave the person the option which was then declined. The comments about me I will certainly treasure but they were unsolicited but an affirmation of my evolving from a strict to a more tolerant professor: not in the realm of ideas which I have always encouraged pluralism but in terms of logistics, class managment and the like.

“Rutherford B. Hayes” was the nineteenth president of the United States whose election as a Republican in 1876 was as fraudulent as Mr Bush’s in 2000. I gave a talk a few years ago at Ohio Wesleyan  University in Delaware, Ohio and went to his birthplace on East William Street: a plaque on a street next to a filling station is what remains.

—————————————————————————————-

From: Rutherford B Hayes [mailto: rbh@mymail.sxu.edu]

Sent: Fri 10/9/2009 3:58 PM

To: Kirstein, Peter N.

Subject: Seat Change

Sorry, at first I thought you were joking about me changing my seat. You do joke a great deal, which doesn’t bother me, not in the least. But then I realized that you were serious. It’s kind of odd to just pick me out of nowhere to change my seat. I was kind of wondering why exactly you need me to do such a thing. I was pretty content where I was sitting, which is why I sat there. Anyway, I think, with all due respect, I deserve a reason for my change of seat. I agreed to change my seat, but then I realized that I pay 23,000 a year to attend school there and I should be treated like an adult. If there is good reason, then no problem. I consider myself a good student, and I like to surround myself with other intelligent individuals. I enjoy my seat, I enjoy the people near me, and I’ve been there half a semester. I’m not trying to cause problems and I’m normally not confrontational, but if this class has taught me anything it’s that I should stand up for myself when I’m feeling short changed.

Thank you for hearing me out,

I look forward to hearing you out as well,

Rutherford B. Hayes

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From: Kirstein, Peter N.

Sent: Fri 10/9/2009 4:20 PM

To: Rutherford B. Hayes

Subject: RE: Seat Change

Hey RBH

Thanks for giving me permission to “move” you. Some folks would order it. The reason is simple: to reduce talking during class that I have found increasingly distracting. As you know, there were previous times or a time that I asked the person next to you not to talk during class. I thought gee-instead of making a scene–just ask the one who comes in last today, which was you, if you would do it. So it’s a class management issue but if YOU are really upset about this, you may sit wherever you want if you would not talk during class–even if being lively and friendly and tell folks who do talk to you about our deal. I do think the change of venue is good but I want folks to feel empowered and I know you want ME to feel comfortable and not distracted during class so I can meet the needs of the other folks.

Great job on exam today!! You will be very pleased I think.

Peter

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From: Rutherford B. Hayes [mailto: rbh@mymail.sxu.edu]

Sent: Fri 10/9/2009 4:33 PM

To: Kirstein, Peter N.

Subject: Re: Seat Change

Ok, sounds good! I don’t mind changing my seat. Sorry for my disruptive area, it’s usually disruptive because we enjoy your class so much, no B.S. just being honest. When you get into class we want to but some of us participate during class too much, we understand that you want everyone to get there chance as well. Some of us would like more of an opportunity to participate, that is why we talk to each other rather than in class. We just have so much to say and you’re very inspiring.

I did really well on the exam? No way I worked my butt off for this test! I thought I did badly. I know you probably wouldn’t give out grades early but WHAT DID I GET WHAT DID I GET? You have the opportunity to make my weekend Sir. J/K if you can’t tell me that’s cool, but I’d love to know. I’m not a History buff, but you make me get into history, you make me pissed off, and you make me want to change the world to be completely honest!

Thank for being AWESOME

Rutherford B. Hayes

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From: Kirstein, Peter N.

Sent: Fri 10/9/2009 4:49 PM

To: Rutherford B. Hayes

Subject: RE: Seat Change

It’s THEIR chance not there chance. Oh I luv it.

On the exam but shhhhhh! you got an A- – on the objective questions and A/A- on the essay and A/A- on the exam. Your essay was chock full of goodies. You might avoid the outline approach and write paragraphs to practice your writing.

Feel free to participate always. Yes sometimes “Emanuel” beats me to the punch before I can recognise another student but don’t hold back. Just let me see you before I call but holding one’s hand up while it would solve everything does sound a little too controlling.

Best,

Peter

———————————————————————————–

From: Rutherford B. Hayes [mailto: rbh@mymail.sxu.edu]

Sent: Fri 10/9/2009 4:56 PM

To: Kirstein, Peter N.

Subject: Re: Seat Change

Sorry I rarely proofread emails! Thank you for telling me! hahaha I told my mom that I may have failed it… I was terrified.

Thank you so much and I’ll try to make myself more noticeable during class!

Kirstein Address on “Constitution Day” Panel, September 15, 2009

Tuesday, September 15th, 2009

Constitution Day, which is actually on Sept. 17 as if it matters, should be ignored and this university (St Xavier in Chicago) should engage in academic freedom civil disobedience and avoid any connection with such a governmental requirement. Senator Robert Byrd, a former K.K.K. member who to his credit voted for President Barack Hussein Obama and eloquently opposed the Iraq war, initiated this boosterism with legislation, but we should not comply with unfunded federal mandates dictating higher education content since it invariably bleeds into nationalism and patriotic education which is the antithesis of critical thinking and liberal education.

Senator Byrd, Democrat of West Virigina: his head may be superimposed but joined the K.K.K. as a young man in the Jim Crow south.

Yet I never say no to student invitations and this is the second time I have participated in such an activity that implicitly, however subtly, suggests adulation of a founding document based on racism, slavery, genocide, sexism and misogyny.

Yet the next best thing is to insure that the Constitution is seen for what it is: a fake, class-based document that selectively confers democratic freedoms as elite class interests expropriate its meaning. Americans should not revere the constitution, gush over the Founders’ alleged touch of genius, exaggerate its protections of our supposed freedoms, anoint it with Biblical reverential inspiration and bow down to this graven image as the protector and enabler of our nation and well-being.

This view was advanced by George Bancroft (1800-1891) in the nineteenth century. Bancroft was known by some as the “father of American history.” He was a secretary of the navy, an architect of the imperialistic, racist Mexican War, minister to the United Kingdom and Germany and wrote a ten volume history of the United States which, while breaking new ground in subject matter, such as exploring the colonial period and using primary sources, was basically government propaganda in the guise of history. Many of these volumes were written before the general emancipation of slavery in 1865. Since Bancroft was indeed an anti-slavery Democrat, this quotation is even more astonishing for its hyperbolic display of Constitution love:

“The Constitution establishes nothing that interferes with equality and individuality. It knows nothing of differences by descent, or opinions, of favored classes, or legalized religion, or the political power of property. It leaves the individual alongside of the individual…. As the sea is made up of drops, American society is composed of separate, free, and constantly moving atoms, ever in reciprocal action … so that the institutions and laws of the country rise out of the masses of individual thought which, like the waters of the ocean, are rolling evermore.”

The Preamble to the Constitution appears to be progressive and inclusive:

“We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.”

Establish justice? Promote the general welfare? Secure the blessings of liberty? Slavery lasted over three-quarters of a century after the Constitution was adopted in 1788. We had a Jim Crow apartheid system, similar to South Africa, until 1965 almost two centuries after the meaningless little document entered into force. The subjugation of women, with particular reference to the lack of voting rights, remained in force under the Constitution for another century and a half until 1920. And these epochs of shame continued even after the Constitution was amended with the ten Bill of Rights articles in 1791.

To merely read the Constitution, and it has some rhetorical virtues to be sure, does not tell the story. It’s not what it says but whether it is enforced. It’s not what its rhetoric is but who interprets it such as the Supreme Court. It’s not about strict construction; it’s about the power elite from business to politics to the media defining how it is implemented.

http://whoistherealbarackobama.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2008/11/070618_sacredright2.jpg

For example, take the gun lobby and the Second Amendment: “A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.”  It does not expressly confer a federal right to bear arms outside of a state militia but just say it does, form a treacherous organisation such as the National Rifle Association, and hire Charlton Heston as your spokesperson if someone thinks killing kids in drive bys, presidents, spouses and children, Beatles’ singers, college students and professors on campuses such as Virginia Tech and Northern Illinois are appropriate prices to pay for the freedom to carry handguns and assault weapons. Tell the next dead cop’s family whether conservative law and order advocates of “right to carry” protected their father or mother in their stupid and selfish perversion of the Constitution.

Read what the Constitution says but understand the realities of power and the blinding effects of Constitution love. Who controls the government and power in this country is much more important than the Constitution’s alleged democratic provisions. Do not believe that the Constitution protects your freedoms or your rights and do not be lulled by the opium of patriotism, reverence for American founding documents and the notion of American exceptionalism.

http://www.coverbrowser.com/image/life/374-1.jpg

A historian, who disagreed with Bancroft’s glorification of the Constitution was the great Charles Beard. He wrote one of the most important histories of the twentieth century: An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States in 1913. This is a quotation influenced by the materialist theories of Karl Marx whose death preceded Beard’s work by only thirty years:

“Inasmuch as the primary object of a government…is the making of the rules which determine the property relations of members of society, the dominant classes …must obtain from the government such rules as are consonant with the larger interests necessary to the continuance of their economic processes, or they must themselves control the organs of government.” Beard is stating that elites make sure those in government make rules that advance their interests and failing that take over the government to suit themselves.

Beard researched the backgrounds of the fifty-five men who gathered in Philadelphia in 1787 during the Constitutional Convention. Most were lawyers; most acquired wealth derived from land, chattel slavery, early manufacturing, or shipping. Forty of the fifty-five speculated or owned government bonds which would appreciate with a stronger centralised economy. (Howard Zinn, Peoples History of the United States, 90-1).

According to Howard Zinn: “Beard found that most of the makers of the Constitution had some direct economic interest in establishing a strong federal government: the manufacturers needed protective tariffs; the moneylenders wanted to stop the use of paper money to pay off debts; the land speculators wanted protection as they invaded Native-American lands; slave owners needed federal security against slave revolts and runaways; bondholders wanted a government able to raise money by nationwide taxation, to pay off those bonds.”

Beard noted in his progressive analysis that slaves, indentured servants, women and property-less males were not present at the Constitutional Convention, much less Native Americans who discovered the country.

This is why Marxism is so valuable as a component of critical thinking and pursuit of the truth. Prior to Beard, few historians adopted an economic analysis of history. It only emphasised power, politics and white-elite male rule. Marx introduced a materialist view of society that saw economic forces as the dominant motive force in political economy. While Marx exaggerated economic determinism and overlooked the essentials of non-economic forces, it drove Beard and modern progressives in many disciplines to expand the search for the truth from the vantage point of economic forces.

People do not control the Constitution but vested elite interests control the Constitution. The masses, the working class, the 46,300,000 without health insurance, the 13% unemployed Hispanics, the 15.1% of African-Americans who are unemployed, [compare to 8.9% white unemployment rate], the 13.2% of the American population living in poverty, the 18.6% of seniors living in poverty despite Medicare and Social Security and the 35.1 million on food stamps (now called Electronic Benefit Transfers!) don’t benefit from the Constitution. Adults who wish to marry others of their own gender have no national Constitutional protection. It is merely a shell, a veneer that conceals the realities of America’s class system. Those with power, with or without a rhetorically benevolent constitution, will continue to run this country and the world with bombs, arms sales, multinational corporations, nuclear non-proliferation for non-white countries and agribusiness interests with a smattering of democracy and civil rights so as to prevent a full scale insurrection here at home.

http://www.historycentral.com/Bio/ant/Garrison.jpg

William Lloyd Garrison (1805-1879)

It is time on this so-called Constitution Day to recognise the meaningless Constitution should be abandoned, and possibly burned as it was outside of Boston on July 4, 1854 by the glorious abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison who described the pro-slavery document as “a covenant with death and an agreement with Hell.” Let’s replace it with international law, that is creeping into Supreme Court opinions in such areas as the death penalty, which is much more progressive and supportive of democracy, the dignity of the human person, and international peace and security.

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Judge Billings Learned Hand (1872-1961)

No less an authority than Learned Hand, the iconic judge of the fifth circuit United States Court of Appeals and possibly the greatest jurist never to serve on the Supreme Court, affirms much of my presentation:

We “rest our hopes too much upon constitutions, upon laws and upon courts…Liberty lies in the hearts of men and women; when it dies there, no constitution, no law, no court can save it.” (quote in Haridakis and Ferris, “The Use of ‘Speech Zones,’” in Morgan, 9/11 and the New Legal Landscape, Palgrave Macmillan, 2009, 52.)

Kirstein Publishes Book Chapter on Academic Freedom Since 9/11 in Matthew Morgan Series on “The Day that Changed Everything.”

Wednesday, September 9th, 2009

The Impact of 9/11 and the New Legal Landscape: The Day that Changed Everything?

Peter N. Kirstein contributed a book chapter “Challenges to Academic Freedom since 9/11” in Matthew Morgan, ed., The Impact Of 9/11 And The New Legal Landscape: The Day That Changed Everything (Palgrave Macmillan, 2009).  It appears in the third volume of a massive six-volume analysis of the impact of 9/11 on the United States.  Kirstein’s chapter analyzes through case law such as the landmark Sweezy v. New Hampshire (1957) and Keyishian v. Board of Regents (1967) and seminal case studies the historic ascendancy of academic freedom as a quasi-constitutional right. It directly assesses significant violations of it on university campuses across the United States. Personal biography is intertwined with numerous developmental aspects of academic freedom in America from the early twentieth century with emphasis upon the post 9/11 witch-hunts that have been virtually ignored in the historiography of the period.

In addition to Kirstein, some of the other chapter contributors are Alan Dershowitz, Frankfurter Professor of Law, Harvard Law School and Aziz Huq, former law clerk for Justice Ruth Bader Ginsberg and lecturer in law at the University of Chicago Law School. Susan N. Herman, president of the American Civil Liberties Union endorsed the work: “For the past eight years, the fog of 9/11 has been as dense as the proverbial fog of war….This superlative collection of scholarly and personal reflections should help to clear the air, so that we can truly begin the process of assessing the damage we have done and reconstructing our laws.” Stuart Gottlieb, Director of Policy Studies, Yale University MacMillan Center also endorsed the book: “This volume brings…issues to life, and illuminates the importance of the stakes involved.  This thoughtful set of essays can only serve to help us better address these daunting challenges more effectively.”

I praise the editor Matt Morgan, a Bronze Star decorated veteran from  the Afghan war, for publishing my chapter in the same volume as Mr Dershowitz. In my chapter, I am quite harsh of Mr Dershowitz’s vilification campaign against Norman Finkelstein and amazingly he contributes a chapter on the issue of deterrence v. prevention in dealing with so-called “terrorists” or are they anti-imperial, anti-Zionist freedom fighters? In any event I had often wondered whether Mr Dershowitz would publicly attempt to prevent my publication or take his marbles and go home and not write his chapter. I am sure he is aware of my blogging during the  Finkelstein persecution for controversial ideas inquisition which disgraced DePaul University and the academic profession with such an unseemly persecution of a person’s scholarship.

One of Mr Dershowitz’s friends is an Israeli professor, convicted of libel in another case, whom I have tangled with due to his unprofessional, cowardly and despicable uncivil charges against American professors whom he disagrees with. The authors of this book were well aware of the entire volume as we were given proofs of the entire work. While Mr Dershowitz appealed unsuccessfully to the Terminator, California Republican Governor  Arnold Schwarzenegger, to censor Dr Finkelstein’s, Beyond Chutzpah which was published by the University of California Press. such action was not replicated in my case. Of course, he might not know who I am but I imagine he does and at least was intriqued by the chapter’s title.  He may have read it and read about himself prominently displayed as an antagonist and enemy of academic freedom. Perhaps he realized that a public display of censorious angst would have been indefensible but I will stop speculating and merely confess to a delicious irony to be included in the same anthology as the Frankfurter Professor of Law. Perhaps Mr Dershowitz should acquaint himself more fully with his endowed provenance. I quote Justice Felix Frankfurter’s academic-freedom affirmation opinion in the landmark Sweezy v New Hampshire (1957) case. Unfortunately the person who benefits from all the lavish splendours of a Harvard-endowed chair is the antithesis of academic freedom, fairness and frankly basic decency.

Denver District Judge Larry Naves’s Complete Opinion that Ignores Jury Declaring Ward Churchill Fired as Retaliation for Political Beliefs

Wednesday, July 8th, 2009

DISTRICT COURT, CITY AND COUNTY OF DENVER, COLORADO

Court Address:

1437 BANNOCK STREET DENVER, CO 80202

 Plaintiff(s): WARD CHURCHILL, an individual v. Defendant(s): UNIVERSITY OF COLORADO; THE REGENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF COLORADO, a body corporate

▲ COURT USE ONLY ▲

Case Number: 06CV11473

Courtroom: 6

ORDER GRANTING DEFENDANTS’ MOTION FOR JUDGMENT AS A MATTER OF LAW AND DENYING PLAINTIFF’S MOTION FOR REINSTATEMENT OF EMPLOYMENT

 1. The Plaintiff in this matter is Professor Ward Churchill, and the Defendants are the University of Colorado and the Regents of the University of Colorado.

This matter comes before the court on Defendants’ Motion for Judgment as a Matter of Law and Plaintiff’s Motion for Reinstatement of Employment. This Court, having heard testimony, received exhibits, and heard argument of counsel and being otherwise fully apprised in the premises, does find and order as follows:

2. On April 2, 2009 following a four-week jury trial, the jury in this matter found in favor of Professor Churchill on his Second Claim for Relief-First Amendment Retaliation in Terminating Professor Churchill’s Employment.

3. The Defendants move this Court to enter judgment as a matter of law in their favor on Professor Churchill’s Second Claim for Relief on the ground that it is barred by the doctrine of quasi-judicial immunity.

4. Professor Churchill requests the Court order his reinstatement of employment to his former position of fully tenured professor at the University of Colorado, and to provide such further equitable relief as is necessary to vindicate his rights under the First Amendment to the United States Constitution.

5. For the following reasons I grant Defendants’ Motion for Judgment as a Matter of Law and deny Professor Churchill’s Motion for Reinstatement of Employment.

I. Motion for Judgment as a Matter of Law

Background

 6. As specified in the pleadings and Trial Management Order, the University preserved the defense that it was immune from liability. The parties agreed that the University would present its immunity arguments after the jury’s verdict because judicial immunities are a legal issue to be determined by a court, not a jury. See Miller v. Davis entitled to absolute immunity is a question of law.) Crooks v. Maynard, 913 F.2d 699,  700 (9th Cir. 1990) (stating “judicial immunity is a question of law”); Brewer v. BlackwellRegents member of the of the University’s faculty. Specifically Article 5.C.1 of the Laws of the RegentsRegent Policy 5-I, §III(B)(1)(b)(2)(i) allowed Professor Churchill to be represented by counsel. Regent Policy 5-I, §III(B)(2)(o) allowed Professor Churchill and his counsel the right to examine each of the University administration’s witnesses and the right to present his own witnesses. Regent Policy 5-I, §III(B)(2)(r) allowed Professor Churchill and his counsel to present opening statements. Regent Policy 5-I, §III(B)(2)(r) also allowed Professor Churchill to make both oral and written closing arguments to the panel.Article 5.C.1 of the Laws of the Regents - – conduct falling below minimum standards of professional integrity. Because President Brown believed that this misconduct warranted dismissal, rather than some other sanction, President Brown returned the case to the panel for reconsideration pursuant to Regent Policy 5-I, §III(C)(7). The panel did not modify its report, so President Brown transmitted his recommendation and the panel to the Board of Regents for final action. protected by judicial immunity is a question of law and the facts found by the district judge in making that determination are to be reviewed under the ‘clearly erroneous’ standard”).

7. Early in the lawsuit, Professor Churchill brought claims not only against the University and the Board of Regents, but also against each of the individual Regents who served in 2005 (when the University examined whether his speech was constitutionally protected) and in 2007 (when the Board of Regents dismissed him). Litigants normally file claims in this manner because public officials sued in their individual capacities cannot claim Eleventh Amendment immunity. Kentucky v. Graham, 473 U.S. 159, 166-67 (1985).

8. Under the Colorado Governmental Immunity Act, however, the University is required to defend and indemnify the Regents for claims arising within the scope of their service. C.R.S. §24-10-103(4)(a) (stating that a “public employee” means “an officer, employee, servant, or authorized volunteer of the public entity, whether or not compensated, elected, or appointed”); C.R.S. §24-10-110(1)(a-b) (stating that a public entity shall be responsible for the defense and payment of claims arising against public employees). Under these circumstances, allowing the case to proceed against each individual Regent would only increase the cost of the case (because each Regent could hire separate counsel) and add to the complexity of the case (because any judgment could be entered only against an individual Regent subject to reimbursement by the University).

In an already complicated case, asserting Eleventh Amendment immunity would not change the parties’ ultimate position, but would delay Professor Churchill’s ability to have his claims resolved in a timely and efficient manner.

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9. To avoid this unnecessary cost and complexity, the University agreed to waive its Eleventh Amendment immunity, thus allowing direct claims to be brought against the University and the Board of Regents. In return for the ability to bring direct claims, however, Professor Churchill agreed that the University acquired the ability to assert any defenses that would be available to individual Regents. The parties’ Stipulation provides:

The University agrees and stipulates that it shall waive its immunity to claims for damages under the Eleventh Amendment to the United States Constitution to permit the same recovery from the University that might otherwise be had against any of its officials or employees acting in their official or individual capacities, reserving to the University the ability to present the same defenses that would have been applicable to any of its officials or employees acting in their official or individual capacities.

10. Therefore, because quasi-judicial immunity was a “defense that would have been applicable to any of its officials or employees” it is a defense available to the University and the Board of Regents.

Findings of Fact 

11. Article VIII of the Colorado Constitution creates a number of state institutions and states, “Educational, reformatory, and penal institutions as the public good may require, shall be established and supported by the state, in such manner as may be prescribed by law.” Colo. Const. Article VIII, §1. Within this broad grant of authority, the Colorado Constitution created the University of Colorado as a state institution of higher education. Colo. Const. Article VIII, §V. For governance of the University of Colorado, the Constitution provides, “There shall be nine regents of the University of Colorado who shall be elected in the manner prescribed by law for terms of six years each.” Colo. Const Article IX, §12. The Board of Regents, as a constitutional body that is not part of the legislative or executive branches, occupies a unique position in Colorado’s governmental structure. Subryan v. Regents of the University of Colorado, 698 P.2d 1383, (Colo. App. 1984).

12. Among the Constitutional powers vested in the Board of Regents is the power “to enact laws for the government of the University.” Subryan, 698 P.2d at 1383. Acting pursuant to this authority, the Board of Regents enacted Laws of the

A faculty member may be dismissed when, in the judgment of the Board of Regents and subject to the Board of Regents’ constitutional and statutory authority, the good of the University requires such action. The grounds for dismissal shall be demonstrable professional incompetence, neglect of duty, insubordination, conviction of a felony or any offense involving moral turpitude upon a plea or verdict of guilty or following a plea of nolo contendere, or sexual harassment or other conduct which falls below minimum standards of professional integrity.

13. Article 5.C.2.(A)(1) of the Laws of the Regents specifies that “no member of the faculty shall be dismissed except for cause and after being given an opportunity to be heard…” If the University’s administration contemplates that it will dismiss a faculty member, the faculty member may request a hearing before the Faculty Senate Committee on Privilege and Tenure. Laws of the Regents, Article 5.C.2.(B). At any such hearing, the faculty member “shall be permitted to have counsel and the opportunity to question witnesses . . . [and] the burden of proof shall be on the University administration.” Laws of the Regents, Article 5.C.2.(B). After the Faculty Senate Committee on Privilege and Tenure makes its findings, the President of the University issues a recommendation and transmits it to the Board of Regents for final action. Laws of the Regents, Article 5.C.2.(C).

 14. To implement the Laws of the Regents’ requirement that no faculty member be dismissed “except for cause and after being given and an opportunity to be heard,” as well as the faculty member’s right to a hearing before the Faculty Senate Committee on Privilege and Tenure, the Regents enacted Regent Policy 5-I. The University followed Regent Policy 5-I in the weeks and months preceding its dismissal of Professor Churchill.

15. Regent Policy 5-I, §III(A)(a) allows the Chancellor of University of Colorado at Boulder to initiate the dismissal for cause process by issuing a written notice of intent to dismiss. On June 26, 2006, Interim Chancellor Philip DiStefano issued a Notice of Intent to Dismiss informing Professor Churchill that the University intended to dismiss him as a tenured faculty member. The Notice of Intent to Dismiss occurred after the University of Colorado at Boulder’s Standing Committee on Research Misconduct concluded that Professor Churchill violated the University’s Administrative Policy Statement on Misconduct in Research and Authorship. Chancellor DiStefano informed Professor Churchill that his “pattern of serious, repeated and deliberate research misconduct fall below minimum standards of professional integrity expected of University faculty and warrants your dismissal from the University of Colorado.”

16. As permitted by Regent Policy 5-I, Professor Churchill requested a formal hearing before a five-member panel of the Faculty Senate Committee on Privilege and Tenure. Regent Policy 5-I, §III(B)(2)(b) allowed Professor Churchill to object to any of the panel members, but he did not do so. Although 5-I, §III(B)(2)(f-g) normally contemplates that a dismissal hearing will last no more than two days, Professor Churchill had months to prepare for his hearing, which began on January 8, 2007, and lasted for seven full days. Pursuant to Regent Policy 5-I, §III(B)(2)(l), a professional court reporter, as well as a professional videographer, made a complete record of the proceedings.

17. At the hearing, Regent Policy 5-I, §III(B)(2)(k) requires the administration to establish grounds for dismissal by clear and convincing evidence. Professor Churchill availed himself of each of these opportunities during the seven-day hearing.

18. After the conclusion of the hearing, the panel members reached a determination. The panel was “unanimous in finding that Professor Churchill has demonstrated conduct which falls below minimum standards of professional integrity, and that this conduct requires severe sanctions.” The panel split on what sanction it would recommend – - two members recommended dismissal, while three panel members recommended a suspension coupled with demotion. Regent Policy 5-I, §III(C)(2) allowed Professor Churchill to respond in writing to the panel’s report.

19. The panel transmitted its report to the President of the University. President Brown, upon his review of the record, concurred with the panel’s finding that Professor Churchill had engaged in conduct that served as grounds for dismissal under

20. After President Brown made his recommendation, Regent Policy 5-I, §IV Before the hearing, Regent Policy 5-I, §IV allowed Professor Churchill to submit extensive written arguments to the Board of Regents.Economou suit because “the protection essential to judicial independence would be entirely swept away” if a lawsuit against judges could proceed upon the premise “that the acts of the judge were done with partiality, or maliciously, or corruptly…” Bradley v. Fisher, 80 U.S. 335, 348 (1871). The court reasoned that a judge’s errors “may be corrected on appeal, but he should not have to fear that unsatisfied litigants will hound him with litigation charging malice or corruption. Pierson v. Ray, 386 U.S. 547, 554 (1967). Stated more directly, judicial immunity prevents judges from being subject to intimidation as they perform their functions. Pierson, 386 U.S. at 554.Imbler v. Pachtman necessary for the functioning of the judicial system, and they receive what has been termed “quasi judicial immunity.” Butz, 438 U.S. at 512. When government officials make judgments that are “functionally comparable” to those of judges, quasi-judicial immunity creates an absolute bar to liability. Butz, 438 U.S. at 513. Quasi-judicial immunity exists “not because of an official’s particular location within the Government but because of the special nature of [his] responsibilities.” Butz, 438 U.S. at 511. 10Examiners Professor Churchill’s, the Tenth Circuit found that no liability could stem from a career service council’s decision to discharge an employee, even though she claimed that the council “improperly discharged [her] in retaliation for her exercise of her right to free speech.” Atiya v. Salt Lake County, 988 F.2d 1013, 1016-17 (10th Cir. 1993).School DistrictNo. 9-RWidder , 85 P.3d at 527.Gressley v. Deutsch , the Tenth Circuit determined that University officials enjoy quasijudicial immunity from claims brought after disciplinary proceedings.Hulen at Page 13.Horwitz, 822 F.2d at 1514. Under Regent Policy 5-I, the dismissal

21. Regent Policy 5-I, §IV allowed the University administration and Professor Churchill to make presentations to the Board of Regents “based upon the record of the case, including the transcript of the proceedings before the [faculty committee].” After the parties’ presentation and “after consideration of all of the information provided to it,” the Board of Regents determined that Professor Churchill engaged in conduct that fell below minimum standards of professional integrity and dismissed him from his tenured faculty position.

Conclusions of Law

 22. The United States Supreme Court has recognized that there are”some officials whose special functions require a full exemption from liability.” Butz v. 23. Judicial immunity is not limited to judges, however, and has been extended to other participants in judicial processes, such as prosecutors and grand jurors.

24. In its leading case, the United States Supreme Court conferred quasi-judicial immunity upon administrative agency officials who participated in a hearing to exclude a commodity company from registration. Butz, 438 U.S. at 514-15. In conferring immunity, the Court took note that “the discretion which executive officials exercise with respect to the initiation of administrative proceedings might be distorted if their immunity arising form that decision was less than complete.” Butz, 438 U.S. at 515.

25. After Butz, the Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals has extended quasijudicial immunity to officials serving on panels to determine whether to terminate a government employee or revoke a professional license, even when those officials allegedly violated the Plaintiff’s constitutional rights. Saavedra v. City of Albuquerque, 73F.3d 1525, 1529-1530 (10th Cir. 1996); Horwitz v. Colorado State Board of Medical

26. Just as the Tenth Circuit has extended quasi-judicial immunity, the Colorado Supreme Court has also determined that a school district’s termination of an employee after a contested hearing is a quasi-judicial function. Widder v. Durango

Thus, in determining whether a school board is performing a quasi-judicial function, our inquiry must focus on the nature of the governmental decision and the process by which that decision is reached. Quasi-judicial decision making, as it name connotes, bears similarities to the adjudicatory function performed by courts.

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Widder, 85 P.3d at 527 (internal citations omitted).

27. Specifically, where an official applies “preexisting legal standards or policy considerations to present or past facts presented to the governmental body, then one can say with reasonable certainty that the governmental body is acting in a quasi judicial capacity . . . ” Widder, 85 P.3d at 527. This type of decision occurs when a school district decides whether it should terminate an employee who violates the district’s code of conduct:

A school district’s decision about whether to terminate an employee who claims that he acted in good faith and in compliance with a conduct and discipline code certainly involves a determination of the rights, duties, or obligations of specific individuals on the basis of the application of presently existing standards . . . to past or present facts.

28. In its decisions in both Hulen v. State Board of Agriculture, and

29. Professor Myron Hulen was a tenured professor at Colorado State University. After he provided evidence in an investigation, Professor Hulen alleged that CSU involuntarily transferred him to another department where he would be unable to attract research funds, publish scholarship, or receive salary increases. Professor Hulen filed suit alleging that the transfer was in retaliation for his exercise of protected speech.

 Hulen v. State Board of Agriculture , 98-B-2170, Pages 1-3 (D. Colo. 2001). CSU’s faculty manual allowed Professor Hulen to challenge the transfer through a facultygrievance process, at which time CSU bore the burden of proving the propriety of the transfer. Hulen at Page 13. The grievance committee found that CSU’s administration improperly transferred Professor Hulen, but CSU’s provost reversed the grievance committee’s decision. CSU’s president and governing board upheld the transfer decision.

30. Professor Hulen sued CSU’s provost and president in their individual capacities for their alleged violations of his constitutional rights. The United States District Court for the District of Colorado granted them quasi-judicial immunity from Professor Hulen’s claims on the grounds that their judgments were “functionally comparable” to those of judges. Hulen at Page 19. Judge Babcock explained:

Here, the Faculty Manual provides that review of the grievance committee decision may be appealed through the administrative ranks, first to the Provost, then to the President, and finally to the State Board of Agriculture.

Each of these entities is provided by the Manual with the appropriate standard of review. Each is functionally comparable to judges, as each is required to exercise a discretionary judgment. In Dr. Hulen’s case, Provost Crabtree and President Yates involvement in the process was limited to this appellate function. I therefore conclude that Defendants Crabtree and Yates’ involvement with the process was as quasi-judicial officers and grant them immunity on that basis. Hulen at Page 20.

31. In Gressley, Professor Gene Gressley was a tenured professor at the University of Wyoming. After the University of Wyoming’s President transferred Professor Gressley to another department, he publicly complained. Gressley v. Deutsch, 890 F.Supp. 1474, 1480 (D.Wyo. 1994). A dispute then arose as to whether Professor Gressley had been insubordinate and had misused his position. Gressley, 890 F.Supp. at 1481.

32. The University of Wyoming’s president initiated proceedings to terminate Professor Gressley. Under the University’s procedures, a Faculty Hearing Committee heard two weeks of testimony before sustaining the charges against Professor Gressley. Gressley, 890 F.Supp. at 1481. Professor Gressley appealed the recommendation to the University of Wyoming Board of Trustee’s, which “after hearing oral arguments, reviewing the record before and findings of the Faculty Hearing Committee . . .sustained the Faculty Hearing Committee’s recommendation that Dr. Gressley’s employment be terminated for cause.” Gressley, 890 F.Supp. at 1481.

33. Professor Gressley brought individual capacity claims against each of the Trustees alleging that they unconstitutionally discharged him in retaliation for his exercise of free speech. The United States District Court for the District of Wyoming granted the Trustees quasi-judicial immunity from suit on the grounds that they were serving in an adjudicatory capacity. Gressley, 890 F.Supp. at 1490.

34. In doing so, Judge Downes construed the United States Supreme Court’s and Tenth Circuit’s precedents and applied the following test:

The Butz decision granted absolute immunity to administrative officials performing functions analogous to those of judges and prosecutors if the following formula is satisfied: (a) the officials’ functions must be similar to those involved in the judicial process; (b) the officials actions must be likely to result in lawsuits by disappointed parties; and (c) there must be sufficient safeguards in the regulatory framework to control unconstitutional conduct. Gressley , 890 F.Supp. at 1490-91.

35. In this case, it is clear that the Board of Regents performed a quasijudicial function and acted in a quasi-judicial capacity when it heard Professor Churchill’s case and terminated his employment.

36. When a governmental body applies “preexisting legal standards or policy considerations to present or past facts presented to the governmental body, then one can say with reasonable certainty that the governmental body is acting in a quasijudicial capacity….” Widder, 85 P.3d at 527. The Board of Regents determined whether grounds for dismissal existed under the Laws of the Regents. In doing so, The Regents “applied preexisting legal standards or policy considerations to past or present facts.”

37. Just as a judge must apply the applicable legal standards to determine “the rights, duties, or obligations of specific individuals,” the Laws of the Regents Specifically, “the grounds for dismissal shall be demonstrable professional incompetence, neglect of duty, insubordination, conviction of a felony or any offense involving moral turpitude upon a plea or verdict of guilty or following a plea of nolo contendere, or sexual harassment or other conduct which falls below minimum standards of professional integrity.”

38. “The existence of a statute or ordinance mandating notice and a hearing is evidence that the governmental decision is to be regarded as quasi-judicial.” State Farm Mutual Automobile Insurance Company v. City of Lakewood , 788 P.2d 808, 813 (Colo. 1990). The Laws of the Regents fulfill this requirement as they require “no member of the faculty shall be dismissed except for cause and after being given an opportunity to be heard as provided in this section.”

39. One of the safeguards available in the judicial system is that “the proceedings are adversary in nature.” Butz, 438 U.S. at 513. Horwitz, 822 F.2d at 1514. Under the Laws of the Regents, “the individual concerned shall be permitted to have counsel and the opportunity to question witnesses as provided in the rules of procedure governing faculty dismissal proceedings.”

40. Quasi-judicial immunity applies when proceedings are “conducted by a trier of facts insulated by political influence.” Butz, 438 U.S. at 513. Horwitz, 822 F.2d at 1514. In this case, the Privilege and Tenure Hearings Panel of the Faculty Senate was the “trier of fact” that determined whether the grounds for dismissal had been demonstrated against Professor Churchill. That “trier of fact” unanimously determined that Professor Churchill engaged in “conduct below the minimum standards of professional integrity,” which is one of the permissible grounds for dismissal.

41. In civil judicial proceedings, the party seeking relief must bear a burden of proof. Kaiser Foundational Health Plan of Colorado v. Sharp, 741 P.2d 714, 719 (Colo. 1987). Under the Laws of the Regents, “the burden of proof shall be on the university administration” in dismissal proceedings.

42. In civil proceedings, the burden of proof is normally only by a preponderance of the evidence. Under Regent Policy 5-I, the burden of proof on the university administration is to demonstrate grounds for dismissal by clear and convincing evidence. This higher burden of proof supports a finding of quasi-judicial immunity.

43. Quasi-judicial immunity is appropriate where “a party is entitled to present his case by oral or documentary evidence.” Butz, 438 U.S. at 513. Horwitz, 822 F.2d at 1514. Under the Laws of the Regents, the faculty member has the “opportunity to question witnesses” and present evidence. The Hearings Panel heard Professor Churchill’s witnesses, received any exhibits he wished to introduce, and he had the opportunity to submit whatever written arguments he wanted.

44. Quasi-judicial immunity is appropriate where “the transcript of testimony and exhibits together with the pleadings constitute the exclusive record for decision.” Butz, 438 U.S. at 513. Horwitz, 822 F.2d at 1514. Under Regent Policy 5-I, “the hearing officer shall appoint a registered professional reporter to record the hearing” and “all presentations shall be based on the record in the case, including the transcript of the proceedings before the Panel.” At the hearing, “the members of the Board shall have an opportunity to ask questions of the faculty member, the administration, and the hearing officer, but, ordinarily, the Board will not receive additional evidence.”

45. In quasi-judicial proceedings, “the parties are entitled to know the findings and conclusions on all issues of fact, law or discretion presented on the record.” Butz , 438 U.S. at 513. for cause panel first issues a written report containing “findings of fact, conclusions, and recommendations consistent with the policies of the Board of Regents.”

46. In quasi-judicial proceedings, the decision is subject to further judicial review. Miller, 521 F.3d at 1145; Butz, 438 U.S. at 513. Horwitz, 822 F.2d at 1514. The purpose of such a review is to determine whether the factual basis of the decision is supported by some evidence in the record…” Miller, 521 F.3d at 1145.

47. Although Professor Churchill asserts that quasi-judicial immunity would leave him without a remedy, he is mistaken. The remedy available to him is the same remedy available to every litigant subject to a quasi-judicial decision. C.R.C.P. 106(a)(4)(I) allows a district court to overturn a quasi-judicial action that constitutes an “abuse of discretion.” Under this standard, a district court might set aside any decision that is “clearly erroneous, without evidentiary support in the record, or contrary to law.” citing Butz, 438 U.S. at 513). The proper focus is upon the Leichliter v. State Liquor Licensing Authority , 9 P.3d 1153, 1154 (Colo. App. 2000).

48. Further, this court agrees with the University that it is beyond dispute that the Board of Regents’ decision would likely lead to litigation. Dismissal proceedings involve not only pecuniary interests, but also professional reputation. Butz, 438 U.S. at 509. This is exactly the type of quasi-judicial decision that the United States Supreme Court had in mind when it observed that “the loser in one forum will frequently seek another, charging the participants in the first with unconstitutional animus.” Butz, 438 U.S. at 512.

49. As described above, the Board of Regents’ decision occurred with sufficient procedural protections for the Court to grant quasi-judicial immunity, including: (1) the right to notice of charges; (2) the right to request a hearing before a faculty committee; (3) the right to challenge the participation of a member of the faculty committee; (4) the requirement that the University prove that grounds for dismissal exist by clear and convincing evidence; (5) the requirement that the University transcribe the hearing; (6) the right to representation by counsel; (7) the right to examine each University witness; (8) the right to present witnesses; (9) the right to present oral and written closing arguments; (10) the right to respond to the faculty committee’s findings; (11) the right to request a hearing before the Board of Regents; (12) the requirement that the Board of Regents consider only the evidence in the record; (13) the requirement that the Board of Regents take final action in a public meeting; and (14) the right of judicial review of the Board of Regents’ decision under C.R.C.P. 106. Professor Churchill received the full panoply of rights available in judicial proceedings.

50. Professor Churchill argues that the University is not entitled to quasi-judicial immunity because the University waived its Eleventh Amendment immunity, but Professor Churchill’s response mistakenly assumes that Eleventh Amendment immunity is the same thing as quasi-judicial immunity. They are separate immunities.

51. At its core, the Eleventh Amendment proscribes who may be sued in federal court or subjected to federal claims, the answer being that “arms of the state” may claim Eleventh Amendment immunity. The entity that is the University of Colorado would generally be afforded such immunity, while suits against individual officials would be permitted. However, in the pre trial agreement the University agreed to waive its Eleventh Amendment immunity.

52. In contrast, quasi-judicial immunity examines the type of action giving rise to the claim. If the government official performs a judicial action, he is immune from liability, even if he cannot claim Eleventh Amendment immunity. See e.g. Williams v. Valencia Count Sheriff’s Office (10thCir. 2002) (determining that a county court clerk was entitled to quasi-judicial immunity for carrying out duties of office); Harrison v. Gilbert, 148 Fed. Appx. 718, 2005 WL 2284266. *2 (10th Cir. 2005) (determining that a county attorney was entitled to claim judicial immunity); Boyce v. County of Maricopa, 144 Fed. Appx. 653, 2005 WL 1939919, *1(9th Cir. 2005) (determining that county probation officers preparing pretrial reports were entitled to judicial immunity).

53. Professor Churchill next argues that quasi-judicial immunity should not apply because the Regents are elected into office and subject to political pressure. In doing so, he disregards the cases extending quasi-judicial immunity to elected officials, such as Miller v. Davis, 521 F.3d. 1142, 1145 (9th Cir. 2008). In Miller, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals determined that the Governor of California was entitled to quasi-judicial immunity in reviewing parole decisions of inmates convicted of murder. Following the United States Supreme Court’s guidance that quasi-judicial immunity “flows not from rank or title … but from the nature of the responsibilities of the individual official,” the Ninth Circuit granted the governor immunity because that function of his office was “functionally comparable” to that of a judge. Miller, 521 F.3d at 1145 (citing Cleavinger v. Saxner, 474 U.S. 192, 201 (1985)).

54. The Ninth Circuit recognized that there were some factors that potentially weighed against granting the governor quasi-judicial immunity, such as that “the Governor’s review is not adversarial in nature, there is no requirement that the Governor consider precedent in making his determination, and the Governor is, by definition as an elected official, not insulated from political influence.” Miller, 521 F.3d at 1145. Yet, notwithstanding the governor’s “almost uniform denials of parole,” quasijudicial immunity was proper because the governor’s review of parole decisions “shares enough of the characteristics of the judicial process” to be considered judicial in nature.

Miller, 521 F.3d at 1145 ( function that the governmental official performs, not the means by which he acquired his office.

55. Further, judges are elected in many states. Those judges must campaign for office and must subsequently make decisions in high profile cases, but are nonetheless entitled to judicial immunity. See Brown v. Greisenauer, 970 F.2d 431, 439 (8th Cir. 1992) (stating that “for purposes of immunity analysis, the insulation-frompolitical- influence factor does not refer to the independence of the governmental official from the political or electoral process.”) Indeed, even judges in the State of Colorado are subject to retention elections, but these elections do not cause them to lose judicial immunity. Further, the Regents function in several capacities, including interacting with their constituents. Mr. Churchill’s dismissal was a function that was judicial in nature.

56. Professor Churchill cites Tonkovich v. Kansas Board of Regents, 1996 U.S. Dist. Lexis 18323 (D. Kan. 1996), for the proposition that Boards of Regents should not enjoy quasi-judicial immunity.

57. Professor Churchill correctly notes that Tonkovich denied quasijudicial immunity to the University of Kansas’ Board of Regents because the Kansas legislature had not “specifically delegated [its] quasi-judicial role by statute” and “the Kansas Legislature did not provide the Kansas Board of Regents with “the same explicit delegation of quasi-judicial functions [that it afforded administrative agencies].”

Valley Transportation Agency complaining of a violation of constitutional right does not have a direct cause of action under the United States Constitution but must use 42 U.S.C. §1983″) As it existed before§1983 and its Board of Regents, terminated him in retaliation for engaging in speech protected by the First Amendment to the United States Constitution. The University denied liability and asserted that it terminated Professor Churchill for research misconduct.Weeks v. Angelone, 528 U.S. 225, 234 (2000).

Tonkovich, 1996 U.S. Dist. Lexis 18323 at *40-41. In its two-page discussion of the Kansas Regents beginning on Page *39, Tonkovich denied quasi-judicial immunity solely because the Kansas legislature had not statutorily conferred quasi-judicial powers upon the Regents. Tonkovich never analyzed whether the Kansas Regents engaged in a form of judicial activity.

58. Professor Churchill suggests that “there is absolutely no meaningful distinction between the Kansas Regents and the University of Colorado’s Board of Regents,” but he is mistaken. The Kansas Board of Regents receives its powers only through express legislative delegations. Article 2, §6 of the Kansas Constitution provides:

The legislature shall provide for a state board of regents and for its control and supervision of public institutions of higher education. Public institutions of higher education shall include universities and colleges granting baccalaureate or postbaccalaureate degrees and such other institutions and educational interests as may be provided by law. The state board of regents shall perform  such other duties as may be prescribed by law.

59. The University of Colorado’s Board of Regents is not limited to “such other duties as may be prescribed by law” and does not depend upon Colorado’s General Assembly to grant it quasi-judicial authority. Article IX, §13 of the Colorado Constitution first created the Board of Regents without any further legislative action. Not only does the Colorado Constitution create the Board of Regents independently of any legislative action, the Constitution also grants the Regents broad constitutional authority to manage the University’s affairs. In contrast to the Kansas Constitution, which limits its Board of Regents to “such other duties as may be prescribed by law,” Colorado’s Constitution affirmatively states that the Board of Regents “shall have the general supervision of their respective institutions . . . unless otherwise provided by law.” The difference is significant because the Kansas Regents can act only where the legislature has expressly conferred a certain power, but the Colorado Regents possess constitutional authority to act unless the General Assembly has properly acted to remove its exclusive powers to govern the University.

60. Further, C.R.S. §23-20-112 states that the Board of Regents “shall remove any officer connected with the university when in its judgment the good of the institution requires it.” Therefore, the University of Colorado’s Board of Regents actually possesses both constitutional and statutory powers that Kansas Board of Regents lacked. As a result Tonkovich sheds no light on the issues before this Court.

61. Professor Churchill argues that the Board of Regents did not act in a quasi-judicial capacity because it did not reach the same result as the faculty panel. However, the faculty panel found unanimously that Professor Churchill engaged in conduct that met the grounds for dismissal. Moreover, the faculty panel split 3-2 as to whether dismissal was the appropriate remedy. Under those circumstances, the Board of Regents engaged in an entirely judicial function when it reviewed the record and applied “discretionary judgment.” Hulen, 98-B-2170 at Page 20.

62. Professor Churchill argues that the Board of Regents did not act as an appellate body. However, the Board of Regents acted in a nearly identical procedural manner as the university administrators or trustees in Hulen and Gressley when it reviewed the reports and recommendations generated during weeks of adversarial hearings without taking additional evidence. Further, there is nothing that limits quasijudicial immunity to officials acting in a purely appellate role. See Horwitz, 822 F.2d at 1511; Butz, 438 U.S. at 513.

63. Finally, Professor Churchill argues that the 1996 Amendment to 42 U.S.C. §1983, limiting the availability of equitable relief against judicial officers, does not apply to quasi-judicial officers, such as Regents acting in a quasi-judicial capacity. I disagree.

64. The substantive right to seek remedial measures for a state official’s past constitutional violation exists only pursuant to the federal statute under which Professor Churchill asserted his claims, 42 U.S.C. §1983. See Arpin v. Santa Clara  1996, §1983 stated: Every person who, under color of any statute, ordinance, regulation, custom, or usage, of any State or Territory or the District of Columbia, subjects, or causes to be subjected, any citizen of the United States or other person within the jurisdiction thereof to the deprivation of any rights, privileges, or immunities secured by the Constitution and laws, shall be liable to the party injured in an action at law, suit in equity, or other proper proceeding for redress. . . Interpreting this language, the United States Supreme Court determined that “Congress plainly authorized the federal courts to issue injunctions in §1983 actions, by expressly authorizing a ’suit in equity.’ Mitchum v. Foster, 407 U.S. 225, 242 (1972). The Supreme Court later determined that judicial officers could not raise judicial immunity as a means of avoiding prospective relief awarded under §1983, even if judges were immune from claims for monetary damages. Pulliam v. Allen, 466 U.S. 522, 538-540 (1984). In doing so, the Supreme Court determined that “nothing in the legislative history of §1983 or in this Court’s subsequent interpretations of that statute supports a conclusion that Congress intended to insulate judges from prospective collateral injunctive relief.” Pulliam, 466 U.S. at 540.

65. However, Congress amended 42 U.S.C. §1983 in 1996 to modify the availability of prospective relief available to successful litigants. As amended, the statute now reads: Every person who, under color of any statute, ordinance, regulation, custom, or usage, of any State or Territory or the District of Columbia, subjects, or causes to be subjected, any citizen of the United States or other person within the jurisdiction thereof to the deprivation of any rights, privileges, or immunities secured by the Constitution and laws, shall be liable to the party injured in an action at law, suit in equity, or other proper proceeding for redress, except that in any action brought against a judicial officer for an act or omission taken in such officer’s judicial capacity, injunctive relief shall not be granted unless a declaratory decree was violated or declaratory relief was unavailable. . .

66. The 1996 amendment to 42 U.S.C. §1983 applies to “actions against a judicial officer,” which includes officers, such as Regents, acting in a quasijudicial capacity: Although neither the Supreme Court nor the First Circuit have addressed whether the statute protects quasi-judicial actors . . .performing tasks functionally equivalent to judges from actions for injunctive relief, circuit and district courts in the Second, Sixth, Seventh, Ninth, and District of Columbia have answered in the affirmative.

 Pelletier v. Rhode Island , 2008 WL 5062162, *5-*6 (D. R.I. 2008). See also Montero v., 171 F.3d 757, 761 (2nd Cir. 1999) (applying the 1996 amendments when dismissing claims for prospective relief against quasi-judicial officers); Roth v. King, 449 F.3d 1272, 1286-87 (D.C. Cir. 2006) (stating that attorneys acting on administrative panels are entitled to immunity because “there is no reason to believe that the Federal Courts Improvement Act of 1996 is restricted to ‘judges’”) In Pelletier, Judge Smith surveyed all of the cases applying the 1996 amendment to quasi-judicial officers and found only one, Simmons v. Fabian, 743 N.W. 2d. 281 (Minn.App.2007), did not grant immunity for prospective relief, but observed that the court in Simmons: (1) failed to acknowledge the legislative history demonstrating that the amendment was intended to apply to quasi-judicial officers; and (2) was contrary to the existing body of law on the subject. Pelletier, 2008 WL 5062162 at *6.

67. Consequently, this Court is unable to grant prospective relief of the type that Professor Churchill seeks unless either: (1) the University violated a declaratory decree; or (2) declaratory relief was unavailable. Professor Churchill has never claimed that the University violated a declaratory decree, so that argument is unavailable to him.

He also cannot demonstrate that declaratory relief was unavailable to him. C.R.C.P. 57 states that “district and superior courts within their respective jurisdictions shall have power to declare rights, status, and other legal relations whether or not further relief is or could be claimed.”

68. Moreover, C.R.C.P. 106 allows an action in the district court “where any governmental body or officer or any lower judicial body exercising judicial or quasi-judicial functions has exceeded its jurisdiction or abused its discretion, and there is no plain, speedy and adequate remedy otherwise provided by law.” Where these avenues were available to him, the plain language of 42 U.S.C. §1983 now prohibits the form of relief that Professor Churchill seeks to obtain from the University.

69 Based on the foregoing, it is hereby ORDERED that Defendants are GRANTED quasi-judicial immunity as a matter of law from Professor Churchill’s Second Claim for Relief. As a result, the jury’s verdict in this matter is hereby VACATED, and judgment is hereby entered in favor of Defendants on Professor Churchill’s Second Claim for Relief.

II. Motion for Reinstatement of Employment1 

70. I have received extensive briefs from the parties related to this issue, carefully reviewed the exhibits submitted with the briefs, and held a one-day evidentiary hearing on July 1, 2009. I have carefully considered the applicable law and facts before making this ruling.

Procedural Background and Jury’s Verdict

71. This lawsuit arose from Professor Churchill’s former employment at the University of Colorado. In his Second Claim for Relief, filed under 42 U.S.C.

72. After a four-week trial, the jury returned a verdict, in which it determined that a majority of the members of the Board used Professor Churchill’s protected speech as a motivating factor in their decision to terminate his employment.

 Verdict Form – Question 1.

I would note, however, that I instructed the jury that it did

1 The ruling and order on Defendants’ MOTION FOR JUDGMENT AS A MATTER OF LAW, issued this same date, may render this Order concerning reinstatement moot. not have to find that “the protected speech activities were the only reason Defendants acted against the Plaintiff.” Jury Instruction 7. The jury also determined that the University failed to demonstrate that Professor Churchill would have been terminated in the absence of his protected speech. Verdict Form -Question 3.

73. The jury was instructed that it could award damages for “any noneconomic losses or injuries that Plaintiff Churchill has had to the present time, including physical and mental pain and suffering, inconvenience, emotional distress, loss of reputation, and impairment of quality of life,” as well as “any economic losses or injuries which plaintiff has had to the present time.” Jury Instruction 8. I gave this jury instruction because it was clear from the nature of the testimony that Professor Churchill (and other witnesses) provided, as well as the argument of his counsel and his pre-trial pleadings, that Professor Churchill was seeking compensation for lost wages, loss of reputation, and emotional distress. I further instructed the jury that “difficulty or uncertainty in the precise amount of any damages does not prevent you from deciding an amount.” Jury Instruction 11.

74. The jury asked during its deliberations if it could find in favor of Professor Churchill but award him no damages. Jury Question 1. Without objection from Professor Churchill’s counsel, I instructed the jury, “If you find in favor of the plaintiff, but do not find any actual damages, you shall nonetheless award him nominal damages in the sum of one dollar.” Court’s Response to Jury Question 1.

75. Less than an hour after I provided this instruction, the jury returned a verdict and awarded Professor Churchill economic damages in the amount of one dollar, and noneconomic damages in the amount of zero (0) dollars. Verdict Form -

Question 4.

I find the jury followed its instructions and understood my answers to its questions.

76. Accordingly, I find that the jury necessarily determined that Professor Churchill did not incur “any actual damages.”

77. Professor Churchill did not challenge the jury’s award of nominal damages or ask me to consider an additur on the grounds that that the jury’s verdict was inadequate or contrary to the facts established at trial. See Madrid v. Safeway Stores, 709 P.2d 950, 950 (Colo. App. 1985) (describing trial court’s ability to provide additur when the jury’s verdict was grossly inadequate). Reinstatement is Not an Appropriate Remedy in Light of the Jury’s Determination that Professor Churchill Suffered No Actual Damages

78. Because Professor Churchill’s claim arises under a federal statute,

79. The Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals has found that a trial court has “considerable discretion” in formulating remedies, one of which is reinstatement. Carter 42 U.S.C. §1983, I have applied federal law to the question of whether reinstatement is an appropriate remedy.v. Sedgwick County equitable relief by way of reinstatement rests in the discretion of the trial court.”Services of America, Inc. v. Nielsen, determine that I am bound by the jury’s implicit finding that Professor Churchill has suffered “no actual damages” as a result of the constitutional violation.Colorado Division of Youth Services,Ford-Lincoln-Mercury, Inc. determined that an employer unlawfully terminated the plaintiff. The jury awardedResearch and Authorship of misappropriation of ideas, or additional practices that seriously deviate from those that are commonly accepted in the research community for proposing, conducting or reporting research.” Trial Exhibit 3(B).  Regents of University  Bingman v. Natkin & Co., 937 F.2d 553, 558 (10th Cir.1991).

80. That discretion is not unlimited, however, because the Tenth Circuit has also held that “in fashioning equitable relief, a district court is bound both by a jury’s explicit findings of fact and those findings that are necessarily implicit in the jury’s verdict.” Bartee v. Michelin North America, Inc., 374 F.3d 906, 910 (10th Cir. 2006). Where “the jury verdict by necessary implication reflects the resolution of a common factual issue . . . the district court may not ignore that determination.” 

81. My determination necessarily affects whether reinstatement is an appropriate remedy in this case. As the United States Supreme Court has determined, “[N]ominal damages, and not damages based upon some indefinable ‘value’ of infringed rights, are the appropriate means of ‘vindicating’ rights whose deprivation has not caused actual, provable injury.” Memphis Community School District v. Stachura, 477 U.S. 299, 308 n11 (1986). The Tenth Circuit has followed this principle and determined that “nominal damages are a mere token, signifying that the plaintiff’s rights were technically invaded even though he could not prove any loss or damage.” Griffith v. State of

82. Because of the jury’s finding that nominal damages were the appropriate remedy, Professor Churchill’s case is different than any other authority that he cites in his Motion for Reinstatement of Employment. In each of those cases, the jury (or the trial court in bench trials) found economic or non-economic losses stemming from the adverse employment action. See e.g. Jackson v. City of Albuquerque, 890 F.2d 225, 226 (10th Cir. 1989) (jury assessed $70,000 in compensatory damages and punitive damages of $70,000); Starrett v. Wadley, 876 F.2d 808, 824 (10th Cir. 1989) (jury assessed $75,0000 in damages); James v. Sears, Roebuck & Company, 21 F.3d 989, 995 n4 (10th Cir. 1994)(jury assessments per plaintiff ranged between $54,074 and $84,728).

Professor Churchill has not cited any case contradicting the United States Supreme Court’s clear statement that an award of nominal damages, rather than any other form of relief, constitutes “the appropriate means of ‘vindicating’ rights whose deprivation has not caused actual, provable injury.” Stachura, 477 U.S. at 308 n11.

83. I determine that Fyfe v. Curlee, 902 F.2d 401, 406 (5th Cir. 1990), a case that Professor Churchill cited in his reply brief, does not change my determination that I am bound by the jury’s finding when determining whether reinstatement is an appropriate remedy. In Fyfe, the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals overturned a jury’s verdict in favor of an employer, determined that the plaintiff had proven a constitution violation as a matter of law, and sua sponte ordered an award of nominal damages.

84. The Fifth Circuit did not determine that the award of nominal damages automatically or presumptively entitled the plaintiff to any further remedy. Nor did the Fifth Circuit enter an award of reinstatement as a matter of law.

85. Instead it remanded the case to the trial court for further proceedings and commented that the plaintiff was entitled only “to pursue her case in the district court for reinstatement to her original position, damages for mental anguish and for constructive discharge.” Fyfe, 902 F.2d at 406.

86. In other words, the Fifth Circuit determined only that the plaintiff deserved an opportunity to present evidence that she was damaged in a manner that an award of reinstatement might remedy. The jury in this case already rejected Professor Churchill’s evidence and did not find any such damages.

87. The most analogous case in the Tenth Circuit is Smith v. Diffee damages from the date of termination to the date of the verdict. The trial court refused to award the employee any front pay or other post-verdict relief. The Tenth Circuit overturned the trial court and stated that it “disregarded the jury’s implicit finding that [the plaintiff] would have been employed at least until the date of trial.” It ordered that “on remand, the district judge should make new findings for a front pay award consistent with the jury’s findings.” Smith, 298 F.3d at 965.

88. This case presents the same legal issue, with the only distinction being that Professor Churchill’s jury determined that he had not proven any losses or injuries through the date of trial. Following Smith, if I am required to enter an order that is “consistent with the jury’s findings,” I cannot order a remedy that “disregard the jury’s implicit finding” that Professor Churchill has suffered no actual damages that an award of reinstatement would prospectively remedy.

89. I therefore deny Professor Churchill’s Motion for Reinstatement of Employment and follow the United States Supreme Court’s guidance that “[N]ominal damages . . . . are the appropriate means of ‘vindicating’ rights whose deprivation has not caused actual, provable injury.” Stachura, 477 U.S. at 308 n11. Reinstatement is Not an Appropriate Remedy Where it Will Likely Result in Undue Interference in the Academic Process 

90. Even if the jury’s verdict had determined that Professor Churchill had suffered actual damages, I would nonetheless remain obligated to determine whether reinstatement would constitute an appropriate remedy.

91. As I approach this decision, I must discuss the issue of research misconduct and the processes that the University of Colorado employs for determining whether a professor’s conduct has fallen below minimum standards of professional integrity.

92. The University of Colorado has adopted rules of ethics that govern research. These rules, known as the Administrative Policy Statement on Misconduct in

93. Initially, a faculty body known as the Standing Committee on Research Misconduct: (1) authorized an investigation of the allegations of research misconduct against Professor Churchill; (2) reviewed the results of the investigation; (3) determined that he engaged in multiple acts of research misconduct, including plagiarism, fabrication, and falsification; and (4) recommended his dismissal to the Chancellor. Trial Exhibit 1(K).

94. The University of Colorado (and universities in general) operates somewhat differently than most workplaces. In particular, the Laws of the Regents, create a system of “shared governance” where “the faculty takes the lead in decisions concerning selection of faculty, educational policy related to teaching, curriculum, research, academic ethics, and other academic matters.” Trial Exhibit 3(A).

95. For this reason, when Professor Churchill wished to challenge the initial findings of research misconduct and the Chancellor’s adoption of the dismissal recommendation, he requested a hearing before the Faculty Senate Committee on Privilege & Tenure. The testimony at trial was undisputed that the P&T Committee is a standing committee of the University, elected by the faculty members, and not appointed by the University’s administration. The P&T Committee operates under rules that the faculty have approved. Trial Exhibit 21(I).

96. Professor Churchill received a full hearing, which lasted seven days, before the P&T Committee. He was represented by counsel during portions of the proceedings, was allowed to call witnesses, and was allowed to cross-examine the witnesses against him. Even Professor Churchill’s expert on academic tenure processes testified: (1) that the P&T Committee on Privilege & Tenure employed appropriate rules; and (2) that there was no evidence that the deliberations of the committee members were affected by improper political considerations. Trial Testimony of Philo Hutcheson.

97. At the conclusion of this hearing, the five tenured faculty members of the P&T Committee unanimously determined by clear and convincing evidence that “Professor Churchill has engaged in conduct that falls below minimum standards of professional integrity and that this conduct requires severe sanctions.” The members disagreed on the appropriate sanction, with three members recommending suspension and two members recommending dismissal. Trial Exhibit 21(F). Ultimately, the University’s Board of Regents adopted the minority recommendation and dismissed Professor Churchill.

98. Professor Churchill contends that the jury’s verdict constitutes the jury’s rejection of the P&T Committee’s decision that he engaged in research misconduct, but there was no such finding by the jury. The jury determined only that the University did not prove that a majority of the Regents would have voted to dismiss Professor Churchill in the absence of his political speech. That is a very different question than whether Professor Churchill engaged in research misconduct, which remains the province of the University’s faculty.

99. The P&T Committee’s determination goes to the heart of why reinstatement is so problematic in this case. The United States Supreme Court has determined that “the four essential freedoms” of a university are “to determine for itself on academic grounds who may teach, what may be taught, how it shall be taught, and who may be admitted to study.” Regents of the Univ. of Calif. v. Bakke, 438 U.S. 265,

312 (1978) (citing Sweezy v. New Hampshire, 354 U.S. 234, 263 (1957)( Frankfurter, J. concurring).

100. At the evidentiary hearing on the Motion for Reinstatement of Employment, Professor Churchill and the incoming Chair of the Ethnic Studies Department (who would be Professor Churchill’s direct supervisor) both testified to the effect that they could not accept P&T Committee’s judgment defining the appropriate standards of scholarship or its unanimous conclusions that Professor Churchill had repeatedly violated them.

101. Because of this fundamental disagreement, I would be forced to reinstate Professor Churchill under circumstances where the normal scholarly processes, such as annual reviews and post-tenure reviews, become unreliable. If I granted reinstatement I believe there is a substantial likelihood that there would be future disputes about the propriety of Professor Churchill’s academic conduct, as well as the Department of Ethnic Studies’ ability to evaluate the probity and veracity of his scholarship. Those disputes would necessarily raise the question of whether the University has retaliated against Professor Churchill, especially given Professor Churchill’s counsel’s post-verdict statements, such as, “Anything that is deemed retaliatory is another lawsuit. If they look at him cross-eyed, they could very well end up back in court.” Exhibit F to Brief in

Opposition to Motion for Reinstatement of Employment.

102. Although Professor Churchill may disagree, the University of Colorado’s ability to define the standards of academic conduct is a decision that properly resides in bodies like the Standing Committee on Research Misconduct and the P&T Committee, not in the courts. I fully understand the concern, expressed in the statement of the present and former Chairs of the Arts and Sciences Council, that “an order restoring Churchill to full standing as a faculty member . . . will effectively negate the principle of autonomous faculty control over standards of performance and membership.”

Reinstatement Hearing Exhibit GGG.

103. Under these circumstances and recognizing that the University’s faculty must have the ability to define the standards of scholarship, I am persuaded that reinstatement is not an appropriate remedy in this case based upon the Tenth Circuit’s reasoning in Acrey v. American Sheep Industry Association, 981 F.2d 1569, 1576 (10th Cir. 1992), in which it affirmed a trial court’s denial of reinstatement of a dismissed employee on the following grounds:

The record contains examples of sharply conflicting evidence about specific incidents reflecting on plaintiff’s job performance and treatment. At best, these illustrate a poor working relationship between the parties; at worst, an absence of mutual trust. The district court’s decision that a productive and amicable working relationship between the parties was not feasible is supported by the record and hence not an abuse of discretion.

36

The same “sharply conflicting evidence” about Professor Churchill’s job performance and the fundamental disagreements between the parties lead me to conclude that “an absence of mutual trust” makes reinstatement unfeasible.

104. Thornton v. Kaplan, 961 F.Supp. 1433, 1435-36 (D. Colo. 1996) also serves as guidance in my determination that reinstatement is not appropriate. In that case, a college professor prevailed in a lawsuit against his employer. The question was whether the trial court should reinstate the professor to a tenured faculty position. Instead of evaluating the potential for successful reinstatement in the vacuum of the professor’s post-judgment statements, the trial court looked at the history of interactions between the parties and the realities of the higher education workplace, from which he concluded:

In this case, there appears to be a complete absence of mutual trust which would foster collegial relationships and the ability to participate in collaborative projects that are typical in the academic community. Furthermore, this Court believes that the actual remedy sought by plaintiff, reinstatement with tenure, would entangle this Court excessively in matters that are left best to academic professionals.

Thornton, 961 F.Supp. at 1439-40. I conclude that reinstating Professor Churchill would entangle the judiciary excessively in matters that are more appropriate for academic professionals. In making this decision, I give considerable weight to the United States Supreme Court’s recognition that “considerations of profound importance counsel restrained judicial review of the substance of academic decisions.”

37

Reinstatement is Not Appropriate Where the Relationship Between the Parties is Irreparably Damaged

105. The Tenth Circuit also instructs that trial courts may deny reinstatement when, as “a practical matter, a productive and amicable working relationship would be impossible” or “the employer-employee relationship has been irreparably damaged by animosity caused by the lawsuit.” Anderson v. Phillips of Michigan. v. Ewing, Albuquerque, Employment; administration and witnesses as “the string of unprincipled liars the university called toEmployment; people under a bridge would be far more intellectually sound and principled than anything I’ve encountered at the university so far.” Exhibit AA to Brief in Opposition to Motion for Reinstatement of Employment;to Brief in Opposition to Motion for Reinstatement of Employment See Denesha Petroleum Company Communications, Inc.

106. I recognize that an employer’s unilateral hostility to an employee, by itself, should not normally serve as a basis to deny reinstatement. Jackson v. City of  Churchill’s statements demonstrating his hostility to the University. His statements illustrate that reinstatement, as a practical matter, is not likely to create productive and amicable working relationships. Anderson, 861 F.2d at 638.

107. These reported statements include: (1) Professor Churchill’s postverdict reference to the University as having “degenerated to a not very glorified vo-tec, a trade school.” Exhibit H to Brief in Opposition to Motion for Reinstatement of  the stand…” Exhibit F to Brief in Opposition to Motion for Reinstatement of faculty as the “ostrich factory,” presumably with their heads buried in the sand. Exhibit V

108. I am also concerned by Professor Churchill’s filing and support of retaliatory complaints against members of the committee that investigated him, particularly after the P&T Committee had validated the findings of research misconduct.

Professor Churchill had an opportunity to contest these findings, but chose to file retaliatory complaints when he was unsuccessful. Trial Exhibits 16(D), 16(C), 16(F).

Professor Churchill acknowledged at the evidentiary hearing that he also filed a research misconduct complaint against a professor at the law school for strategic reasons related to this lawsuit. Trial Exhibit 25-229. While Professor Churchill was within his rights to file and support these complaints, his actions further demonstrate his level of hostility. There is only a miniscule possibility that his return to the University will be amicable and productive.

Reinstatement Will Impose Harm Upon Others

109. Because reinstatement is an equitable remedy, I must also consider potential harms to innocent third parties. See Ford Motor Company, v. EEOC, 458 U.S. 219, 239 (1982) (stating that trial courts may consider the rights of “innocent third parties” when considering equitable remedies); Lander v. Lujan, 888 F.2d 153, 157 (D.C.Cir.1989) (stating that “[i]t may well be appropriate, perhaps even required,” that a district court consider the impact of reinstatement upon other employees).

110. The University’s P&T Committee, using processes that Professor Churchill’s expert deemed appropriate and without any evidence of improper political considerations, determined that Professor Churchill engaged in repeated and deliberate acts of research misconduct, including acts of plagiarism, fabrication and falsification.

111. The evidence was credible that Professor Churchill will not only be the most visible member of the Department of Ethnic Studies if reinstated, but that reinstatement will create the perception in the broader academic community that the Department of Ethnic Studies tolerates research misconduct. The evidence was also credible that this perception will make it more difficult for the Department of Ethnic Studies to attract and retain new faculty members. In addition, this negative perception has great potential to hinder students graduating from the Department of Ethnic Studies in their efforts to obtain placement in graduate programs.

112. In addition to these harms, I also fully understand the concern, expressed in the statements of the present and former Chairs of the Arts and Sciences Council, that “any external action to return Churchill to the faculty will inevitably weaken the capacity of University of Colorado faculty to hold errant or dishonest colleagues to account in future cases of academic misconduct” and “make it far more difficult to hold students to high standards of honesty in research and writing.”

 Reinstatement Hearing Exhibit GGG

. The Chair of the Arts & Sciences Council represents more than 750 faculty members of the College of Arts & Sciences. I find this a compelling argument against reinstatement.

113. In weighing the potential harms of reinstatement against the potential benefits of reinstatement, I must consider whether denying reinstatement will effectively prevent Professor Churchill from exercising his First Amendment rights. The evidence at hearing was uncontested that Professor Churchill continues to engage in a broad range of scholarly activities. Professor Churchill testified that his website accurately described his activities since leaving the University of Colorado:

Ward Churchill continues to teach, speak, and write books. In 2007, at student request, he taught a voluntary class at CU, much to the administration’s dismay. Since the “controversy” began, he has given over 50 well-attended and highly praised public lectures. He has written several articles on academic freedom, and is in the process of finishing several books.

In short, Professor Churchill continues to publish articles, write books, give paid invited lectures at other institutions, and even give lectures on the University of Colorado campus. He described that “there are lots of venues in which you can teach and interact.”

Exhibit V to Brief in Opposition to Motion for Reinstatement of Employment.

114. I also do not find that reinstatement is necessary to prevent a “chilling effect” on the University of Colorado’s campus. There was no credible evidence that any faculty member at the University of Colorado has refrained from academic or professional activities as a result of the events related to Professor Churchill.

Professor Churchill’s witnesses at the evidentiary hearing, including his most visible an consistent supporters, could not identify any specific retaliation against them or any other controversial faculty members.

115. On balance, I conclude that the potential harms require me to deny reinstatement, particularly when it has the potential to harm students and faculty who played no role in the decision to terminate Professor Churchill’s employment. The benefits of reinstatement are not sufficient to outweigh these harms.

 Front Pay is Not an Appropriate Alternative Remedy

116. Having determined that reinstatement is not an appropriate remedy, I will consider whether front pay is an appropriate alternative. “Although front pay sometimes is appropriate when reinstatement is not possible, it is not a mandatory remedy.” Starrett v. Wadley, 876 F.2d 808, 824 (10th Cir. 1989).

117. In considering front pay, I continue to follow the Tenth Circuit’s guidance that “in fashioning equitable relief, a district court is bound both by a jury’s explicit findings of fact and those findings that are necessarily implicit in the jury’s verdict.” Bartee, 374 F.3d at 910. In the absence of any actual damages that an award of front pay would remedy, I determine that front pay is not appropriate.

118. Even if there were evidence of actual damages, however, I would determine that front pay is not an appropriate remedy. In considering front pay, I may consider the discharged employee’s duty to mitigate. Thornton, 961 F.Supp. at 1438-39.

119. Professor Churchill’s own statements during the trial established hat he has not seriously pursued any efforts to gain comparable employment, but has instead has chosen to give lectures and other presentations as a means of supplementing his income. Reportedly, he even “received a few job offers” that he declined to pursue.

Exhibit V to Brief in Opposition to Motion for Reinstatement of Employment.

Under these circumstances, I do not believe an award of front pay is appropriate.

 42 attempt to obtain comparable employment”); West v. Nabors Drilling USA, Inc.330 F.3d, 379, 394 (5th Cir. 2003) (reversing award where “apart from obtaining comparatively low-paying work with two companies, [the plaintiff] did not seek any other employment and did not attempt to find substantially equivalent employment”).

120. Based on the foregoing, it is hereby ORDERED that Professor Churchill’s Motion for Reinstatement of Employment is DENIED. Further, I find that front pay is not an appropriate remedy in this case.

SO ORDERED this 7th day of July, 2009.

BY THE COURT:

Larry J. Naves District Court Judge

Persecuted C.U. Professor Ward Churchill denied Reinstatement in an act of Juridical Anarchy

Tuesday, July 7th, 2009

UPDATED JULY 9, 2009

Professor Churchill won a wrongful termination suit which apparently was ignored by a hack judge Larry Naves. The jury verdict in April decided he was fired not for academic-research misconduct but for a fiery article published in the wake of the 9/11 attacks. The judge did not even address substanitally the issue of academic freedom which was certainly a core issue in this inquisition. Academic freedom was eviscerated by both the University of Colorado and the criminal justice system despite a temporary lull in the inquisition with the courageous jury verdict and nominal award. The judge’s argumentation was that C.U. and Ward Churchill were irreconcilable and that his presence would contribute tension and disruption to the Boulder campus. This essentially gives a “hecklers’ veto” to the university. The issue is not one of equipoise but justice; the issue is not whether to tolerate only consensus academicians who teach without controversy but to permit critical thinking and even controversial pedagogy in the classroom; the issue IS whether a democratic society can tolerate a tenured faculty member at professor rank being fired for an article which attempted to balance the 9/11 fury at Al Qaeda with a call for introspection and the meaning of a glutinous, bureaucratic capitalism.

http://www.cjsr.ualberta.ca/cms/news/jpegs/Ward_Churchill_01.jpg

Persecuted Professor  of Ethnic Studies Ward Churchill: denied academic freedom and 1st amendment protection of free speech.

When I was supended for an anti-infanticide email for referring to the military’s “baby-killing tactics of collateral damage,”–an accurate depiction of their mass murder I might add– I could have cared less whether the university wanted me to return or whether my reunion would be disruptive. Disruption is good for a university; chaos is purification when it leads to truth and justice. Calm normalcy is the poison of conformity and has no place in academia. My job was and is to teach history and political science and do it well without apologies or coercion in a nation that proclaims its love of democracy and free speech only when it suits its antidemocratic, war criminal ends. The case of Ward Churchill, despite his imperfections and egregious scholarly tactics, is proof that freedom of speech belongs to a narrow group of academic conformists who do not challenge the mantra of American exceptionalism.

Also I could care less whether Ward is an Anglo or Native American. Frankly folks can identify with whomever they wish. I think it salubrious that one would identify with a minority group as opposed to “passing.” Since all humans emanate from a common ancestor, there is probably a little biological corpus that we all share with one another.

Colo. prof in 9/11 flap loses bid to reclaim job

DENVER (AP) — A judge has refused to reinstate a University of Colorado professor who was fired on plagiarism charges after he likened some Sept. 11 terrorist attack victims to a Nazi leader.

If it stands, Tuesday’s ruling means Ward Churchill cannot return to the classroom even though a jury ruled in April that his firing was politically motivated.

Churchill wrote an essay after the 2001 attacks calling the World Trade Center victims “little Eichmanns,” a reference to Holocaust architect Adolf Eichmann.

The university fired Churchill in 2007 on the plagiarism charges and other research misconduct allegations. None of the allegations were about the Sept. 11 essay.

Churchill’s attorney didn’t immediately return a call. University officials say they would issue a statement later.

Copyright © 2009 The Associated Press. All rights reserve

The Arrogance of “Honour:” Dr Kuklo’s Awards and More on the Strange Defence By Dr K Dan Riew

Sunday, May 17th, 2009

DR TIMOTHY R KUKLO RESIGNS FROM WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF MEDICINE

Dr Timothy Kuklo, as has been previously reported, has had an article retracted from publication due to its falsification of research and falsely claiming joint authorship by forging the signatures of four non-participatory colleagues.

While an army surgeon stationed at Walter Reed Army Medical Center, Dr Kuklo was an emerging star in medical medicine. He rose to the rank of colonel and received numerous awards for his medical achievements during his tenure at Walter Reed.

Colonel Kuklo’s [ret] first award while an army surgeon at Walter Reed contained the citation as “best exemplifies commitment to patients…true sense of loyalty..to his fellow soldiers.” The second award as a physician at Walter Reed cited his wondrous qualities of “best exemplif[ying]…scholarship and dignity”:

1999: Major General Lewis A. Mologne Award, Walter Reed Army Medical Center. Presented to the physician in-training who best exemplifies commitment to patients and a true sense of loyalty to his country, the U.S. Army and his fellow soldiers.

2002: Lieutenant General Claire L. Chennault Award, Walter Reed Army Medical Center. Presented to the Staff Physician who best exemplifies teaching excellence, professional medical expertise, leadership, scholarship and dignity.

Dr Kuklo received a third award from the Department of the Army:

Army “A” Designator – Awarded to physicians and surgeons who are nationally recognized for academic, clinical and surgical expertise, 2005

Colonel Kuklo’s fourth award contained a British honorific-sounding title:

Order of Military Medical Merit – For exemplary contribution to the United States Medical Department, and the dedicated application of talent, effort and spirit, 2006.

http://ecx.images-amazon.com/images/I/51kkftN-oTL._SL500_AA240_.jpg

It probably should include those who defame the concept such as Colonel Kuklo.

While these numerous awards were conferred prior to his execrable, academic misconduct, it is remarkable that a decorated army officer would comport himself with such ignominy. Honours can be revoked. It happens frequently and perhaps Walter Reed Army Medical Center and other sponsors might consider the revocation of these awards to at least reestablish some linkage between perception and reality. The reality is Colonel Kuklo was a virtual Medtronic-corporation salesperson who was pursuing profit over loyalty to sick soldiers devastated by wounds.

This story was initially reported by the New York Times , which received leaked information probably by a person of conscience at Walter Reed, and subsequently by the St Louis Post-Dispatch. The latter, as has been reported, contained a defence of Dr Kuklo by his esteemed colleague Dr K Daniel Riew. The defence ranged from vouching for the former colonel’s integrity, scholarship and even possibly excusing the forging of signatures. While Dr Riew conceded he did not know the full circumstances of the forgeries of four other SOLDIERS as putative authors or whether oral permission had been granted–it had not–he certainly implied that Dr Kuklo had done no wrong. I think Dr Riew should have explicitly indicated that he and Dr Kuklo had collaborated for many years on research projects and that he could not be objective in his assessment of Dr Kuklo.

One could argue that Dr Riew was serving as an ersatz character witness but upon examination, I am producing many specific items of collaboration that bring into question the degree of objectivity that Dr Riew lent to the Post’s article. Dr Riew is entitled to his opinion and I am not questioning that right nor his impressive credentials as a physician. It is, however, not unreasonable to question whether any prior research on Dr Kuklo’s lengthy resume was also falsified particularly when in the employ as a consultant for Medtronic.  I am, however, alleging Dr Riew’s objectivity in making his supportive statements was compromised by their prior association when all available evidence suggests that Dr Kuklo disgraced himself, the Washington University in St Louis School of Medicine and the medical profession in general.

It is noteworthy that Dr Riew and Dr Kuklo had professionally collaborated on at least seven published research projects dating back to 2002, several years prior to the colonel’s tenured appointment began in 2006–but presumably while a fellow–at the Washington University School of Medicine.

There are three book chapters that Drs Kuklo and Riew et al. wrote with Dr Riew as the lead investigator:

Riew KD, Kuklo TR, Lenke LG. Chapter 48: Halo and Cervical Traction. Spinal Deformities: The Comprehensive Text. Thieme, New York, NY, 2003. Editor Dewald

Riew KD, Kuklo TR. Chapter 49: Surgical Approaches to the Cervical Spine. Spinal Deformities: The Comprehensive Text. Thieme, New York, NY, 2003. Editor Dewald

Riew KD, Kuklo TR. Chapter 51: Cervical Decompression. Spinal Deformities: The Comprehensive Text. Thieme, New York, NY, 2003. Editor Dewald.

I have been able to identify four articles on which Dr Kuklo and Dr Riew collaborated:
#
Lehman RA, Dmitriev AE, Helgeson MD, Sasso RC, Kuklo TR, Riew KD. Salvage of C2 pedicle and pars screws using the intralaminar technique. Spine 2008; 33(9):960-965.
#
Kuklo TR, Riew KD, Orchowski JR, Won DS, Schroeder TM, Gilula LA. Management of Recalcitrant Osteoarthritis of the Atlanto-Axial Joint. Orthopedics 2006;29(7):633-8.
#
Lehman RA Jr, Kuklo TR, Freedman BA, Cowart JR, Mense MG, Riew KD.The effect of alendronate sodium on spinal fusion: a rabbit model. Spine J. 2004 Jan-Feb;4(1):36-43.
#
Graham EJ, Kuklo TR, Kyriakos M, Rubin DA, Riew KD. Invasive pigmented villonodular synovitis of the atlantoaxial joint: a case report. J Bone Joint Surg Am. 2002 Oct;84-A(10):1856-60. No abstract available.

Colonel Kuklo published an article with falsified research and fake co-authors: “Recombinant human morphogenetic protein-2 for type grade III open segmental tibial fractures from combat injuries in Iraq,” Journal of Bone and Joint Surgery. Clearly under the spell as a peddler for Medtronic’s Infuse bone-growth product, the colonel was inventing his conclusions to lie about the supposed 92% efficacy of the protein-product  in reestablishing bone growth in the smashed legs of Iraq War W.I.A. He made up data; he claimed to have patients that were a ghost population.

The article was published in August 2008 and then retracted by The Journal of Bone and Joint Surgery in March 2009. It is arguable that in those seven months, other orthopaedic surgeons or affiliated health professionals were influenced by the article and incorporated the product in their treatment of various fractures and other muscular-skeletal disorders that required bone restoration. A doctor’s primary mission is to do heal and do no harm. Dr Kuklo may have maliciously harmed soldiers in presenting illusory medical evidence that may have resulted in the WRONG treatment or less efficacious intervention on behalf of a patient.

Kirstein Blog other Articles:

Was he A.W.O.L.? July 15, 2009

June 16. 2009

May 30, 2009

Dr Kuklo is on leave of absence!

May 22, 2009

May 20, 2009

May 18, 2009

May 17, 2009

May 15, 2009

May 14, 2009

May 13, 2009

comments and information to Kirstein@sxu.edu

Norman Finkelstein to Speak at Clark University, Monday April 27

Sunday, April 26th, 2009

Clark University which was looking down a barrel of shame has reversed itself and is allowing Dr Finkelstein to speak as a guest of Students for Palestinian Rights on Monday, April 27. President John Bassett’s Clark’s shameless, pusillanimous revocation of a speaking engagement had barred him recently due to the concern about hurting feelings of those who want to silence critics of Israel and genocide in Gaza and forced population removals in the West Bank. Finkelstein is to be speak on the carnage and violation of the laws of war in besieged Gaza. Bassett’s reversal should be acknowledged and noted.

Perhaps Clark’s reversal was reaction to the protest by ACLU and concerned scholars who are resisting the taboo of discourse concerning the State of Israel. This taboo is a major threat to academic freedom, human rights and critical thinking. It is a cancer that is spreading throughout academe and it must be challenged, defeated and dishonoured for what it is–authoritarian, bullying censorship seeking an undemocratic ideological monopoly of higher education in the United States. There are other ideological assaults on academic freedom besides those of the Israel Lobby but prudence dictates a robust challenge to any and all actions intended to restrict academic freedom.

Those of you in the Worcester, Mass. area go to the lecture and support the persecuted professor’s right to speak. Hopefully, DePaul University that dishonoured itself and frankly all of higher education in denying Dr Finklestein and Mehrene Larudee tenure, will take notice that one institution, Clark U., has ultimately reversed a draconian effort to censor the prophetic wisdom of Dr Finkelstein.

Cancer of Academic Freedom Destruction Now at U.C.-Santa Barbara

Wednesday, April 22nd, 2009

From: Committee to Defend Academic Freedom at UCSB
PLEASE DISTRIBUTE WIDELY

Dear colleagues,

UCSB has become the latest front in the war against Academic Freedom. Professor William I. Robinson, a Sociology and Global Studies professor at the University of California, Santa Barbara, has been attacked by the Anti-Defamation League and two of his former students. In January of this year, he forwarded an email condemning the Israeli attacks on Gaza. The email contained an editorial by a Jewish journalist condemning Israel’s actions in Gaza as well as juxtaposed images of Nazi atrocities with congruent images of Israeli atrocities against Palestinians. The email was an optional read for students, intended to spark conversation by relating contemporary events to conceptual ideas discussed in class.

 
One week later, the ADL wrote him a letter charging him with anti- Semitism and sundry violations of the Faculty Code of Conduct (none of which were coherent claims). Another week passed, and the Academic Senate Charges Officer then notified him that two of the students in the class to which he circulated the email had filed complaints against him

The complaints are that 1) critique of Israel is evidence of anti- Semitism and 2) the Israeli-Palestinian issue should not be discussed in a class on Globalization.

 
This case has already escalated way too far. Throughout the process, the Charges Officer violated several elements of the charges procedure, shirked his responsibilities, and ultimately acted as a co-complainant by fabricating charges that were not raised by the students. The charges have reached the Committee on Committees, which is now in the process of convening an ad hoc Charges Committee to assess the complaints against Professor Robinson
Based on patently absurd and malicious claims, the charges should have been dismissed out of hand from the beginning.

Further consideration of the charges by the Academic Senate serves only to sanction politically-motivated attacks on academic freedom. The longer this case is pursued, the worse its chilling effect; it will spread fear among those who wish to present controversial and critical subjects. Even though the original complaint is regarding Israel/Palestine, the rights at stake extend beyond this specific topic. Academic freedom is a right that enables scholars to express diverse perspectives over contentious topics, free from the intimidation of political repression campaigns.

If the case against Professor Robinson continues to go forward, it will lead down a slippery slope that may expose academics to repression tactics for addressing controversial issues such as stem cell research, evolution, feminism, LGBT rights, etc. It is incumbent upon members of the UCSB campus and the broader academy to roundly oppose this silencing campaign.

 
This is an obvious attack on Professor Robinson”s academic freedom, one that ominously recalls similar campaigns against other critics of Israel across the nation. This is part of a broader campaign to automatically vilify and attack any and all critiques of Israel’s policies and practices through unfounded use of the term “anti-Semitic.” A critique of the Israeli state, its policies, and the leaders responsible is not and should not be considered an affront to Jewish people as a collective, the Jewish religion, or Jewish heritage.

 

In fact, conflating the state of Israel with the Jewish people essentializes the assorted political opinions of a diverse religious group by reducing them to the set of policies espoused by the prevailing regime.
We need your help! Please scroll below and follow the instructions to 1) email the UCSB Chancellor and responsible authorities on campus to express your outrage and register your protest, and 2) sign the petition
Please visit our website for more information on the case, including continuing updates, at: http://sb4af.wordpress.com

If you wish to contact the student campaign, please email: cdaf.ucsb@gmail.com

Thank you for your time, Committee to Defend Academic Freedom at UC Santa Barbara

 ***

Send an Email: The e-mail should be addressed to UCSB Chancellor Henry Yang and cc’d to the following faculty and administrators involved in the case. Please copy and paste the addresses

Academic Freedom for Palestine Justice Professor Denied at Ithaca College

Tuesday, April 21st, 2009
http://socialistworker.org/2009/04/20/tenure-travesty-in-ithaca

Tenure travesty at Ithaca College

By Troy Pasulka | April 20, 2009

ITHACA, N.Y.–Sixty people gathered April 16 at the Workers’ Center to hear Professor Margo Ramlal-Nankoe describe how she was denied tenure at Ithaca College due to her complaints about sexual harassment and her outspoken opposition to the Israel-U.S. war on Palestinians. She is reaching out to the public for support.

Ramlal-Nankoe, a non-citizen immigrant and woman of color, says that she clearly meets Ithaca College’s tenure criteria for Sociology faculty members, and has many letters from students and peers to support this claim.

During her 2005 department-level tenure review, her colleagues recognized Ramlal-Nankoe’s excellence, and a majority voted to recommend she receive tenure. According to Ramlal-Nankoe, those who voted against her did so because she had previously spoken out about incidents of sexual harassment she faced from another faculty member in the department.

The Dean of Ithaca College’s School of Humanities and Sciences also decided at this time to recommend that Ramlal-Nankoe not receive tenure. Ramlal-Nankoe alleges this was because the dean is pro-Israel and didn’t like the fact that she was involved in groups like Students for a Just Peace in Israel/Palestine (SJP). In advising SJP, Ramlal-Nankoe helped the group bring outspoken critics of the occupation of Palestine, such as Ali Abunimah, Sara Roy and Marty Rosenbluth, to campus.

Ramlal-Nankoe appealed the dean’s negative recommendation and the votes against her within her department, arguing that these individuals had committed serious violations of the rules governing her tenure process. When the Appeals Committee and Provost at the time agreed with her, she was granted a new, supervised tenure review.

But Provost Peter Bardaglio, who was to supervise the second review, left Ithaca College before it began, and Ramlal-Nankoe was left to face a repeat of her first “tenure travesty”–a description of her situation coined by Norman Finkelstein, who was denied tenure at DePaul University because of his scholarship critical of Israel.

Norman Finkelstein has reviewed Margo’s case and has this to say regarding Margo and her situation:

“I have met and spoken at length with [Ramlal-Nankoe] and her husband,” Finkelstein wrote on his Web site. “They are the most decent of human beings: doing the right thing at great personal and professional expense. I have carefully scrutinized the facts in her tenure case. It simply cannot be disputed that she is the victim of a political witch-hunt.”

Finkelstein–and Joel Kovel, a professor who was recently terminated at Bard College because of his criticism of Zionism–spoke via Skype during the April 16 public meeting defending Ramlal-Nankoe.

The morning after the meeting, Ithaca College President Thomas Rochon claimed to a reporter that he didn’t “really understand” the request for a public tenure review because her “tenure review has been completed.”

Fortunately, many people do understand the injustice perpetrated against Ramlal-Nankoe. During the question-comment section of the meeting, Karen Ross, a member of United Auto Workers Local 2300, explained why Margo’s fight is important: “Where is the accountability? We need a fair depiction of both sides on controversial issues at institutions of higher education.”

Defending those who, like Ramlal-Nankoee, speak critically of the U.S. and Israel’s role in the Middle East is a crucial part of the project of rebuilding a left in this country that can pose a real alternative.

= = = = = = = = = = = = = = = =

What you can do

You can find out more about Margo Ramlal-Nankoe’s case, and you can support her struggle, at the Ithaca College Injustice: A Tenure Travesty [2] Web site.

Cary Nelson Lodges A.A.U.P. “Disaster” Complaint against College of DuPage Board Policy

Monday, April 20th, 2009

Cary sent this to me via e-mail

Feel free to make any use of the following:

DuPage’s new policy includes many unproblematic elements, but it also incorporates numerous poison pills that can easily be used to undermine academic freedom. People, for example, certainly deserve respect, but not all ideas do. It is not the business of a university to declare that certain questions should be considered “unsettled.” It is the job of academic disciplines to decide such matters for themselves. Thus it is not “ideological indoctrination” to expect that students master the theory of evolution or the idea that gender’s meanings are socially constructed. Nor is it the institution’s right to [determine] what matters count as “controversial” and what issues merit “unbiased” treatment. Few things, moreover, are as stifling to free inquiry as a demand that invited speakers represent a balanced spectrum of opinion. Even the requirement that faculty show “appropriate restraint” in arguing a position, seemingly reasonable on the surface, in fact undermines the tremendous educational benefit that can be gained from well informed but passionate advocacy. This policy is a disaster for education in a democratic society.

Cary Nelson

President American Association of University Professorsa

A.C.L.U. Slams John Bassett Cancellation of Dr Finkelstein Talk at Clark University

Thursday, April 16th, 2009

This is all too common when universities cancel events to preserve the public relations’ image of an institution. President  John Bassett is just the latest example of an execrable administrator who eagerly sacrifices academic excellence and the pursuit of truth to pacify the thought police of the Israel Lobby and other groups who support an Israel Can Do No Wrong Policy. President Bassett is a disgrace to academia, a disgrace to free inquiry, an enemy of critical thinking, a violator of A.A.U.P. principles on outside speakers and a coward who should resign and accept the opprobrium of enlightened people everywhere. The lesson of DePaul’s inquisition against Professors Finkelstein and Mehrene Larudee is not more repression but less and not more refusal to entertain disparate ideas but less. Administrators generally cannot be trusted to enforce and lead on issues of academic freedom and intellectual diversity. Many have to be watched, prodded, and driven from office by faculty and students in order to preserve the academic viability of an institution. NOTE: “Bassett” is frequently misspelled “Basset” as seen in the press and on other venues engaged with this travesty. I went to the Clark University website and the president’s surname is “Bassett.”


John Bassett (President, Clark University) wearing the tuxedo!

Clark University President John Bassett Cancels Finkelstein

04.09.2009 | Original
Finkelstein comments: Part of the Clark University-Boston Globe disinformation campaign is the pretense that I was scheduled to speak on the Nazi holocaust. In fact I was scheduled to speak on the Gaza massacre. Isn’t it too perfect that Clark was using The Holocaust as a pretext to silence criticism of Israel?


The Scarlet – “Letters To The Editor”

04.09.2009 | The Scarlet
Bassett Makes Statement:

To the Editor: As some members of the campus community know, I have told the students involved with the Clark University Students for Palestinian Rights (CUSPR) that a planned talk by Professor Norman Finkelstein will not take place this semester. The University remains committed to inviting a wide range of speakers to encourage diversity of opinions on controversial topics. My decision was predicated on its untimely and unfortunate scheduling. The University began planning for the First International Graduate Students’ Conference on Holocaust and Genocide Studies a year ago. While I do not believe that the students who invited Mr. Finkelstein to campus intended it as an affront to those planning the conference, in the eyes of many in the Clark community and our invited guests, it seems to be just that. It is possible that our understanding of the Middle East conflicts would be enriched by conversations with Professor Finkelstein. It is my judgement, however, that having Professor Finkelstein speak on the same evening as our planned conference would only invite controversy and not dialogue or understanding. By this letter, copied also to the Chair of the Faculty and the President of Student Government, I am asking the campus community — faculty, staff, and students — to engage in dialogues about the right breadth at Clark for visiting speakers on controversial topics, about related matters of scheduling as raised in this case, and about this particular case. I will consult with faculty, staff, and students right after Fall Break in early October and report back to The Scarlet on those discussions. After those discussions have taken place, I will be happy to discuss with interested students the appropriateness of an invitation to Mr. Finkelstein.

If you would like to express your opinion to President Bassett on his decision to cancel my lecture, you can reach him here:

presidentsoffice[at]clarku.edu, or through Clark University President’s Office contact page.

Please forward your letter to Normangf[at]hotmail.com for posting on this website.


American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) Weighs In on Clark Cancellation

04.10.2009 | ACLU (pdf)

By email: presidentsoffice[at]clarku.edu and first class mail
John Bassett, President
Clark University
Geography Building – Room 202
950 Main St.
Worcester, MA 01610

Dear President Bassett:

The ACLU or Massachusetts is very disturbed bv your decision to cancel a talk by Norman Finkelstein who had been invited by a student organization to speak in April on the Clark campus. You have been Quoted in the Boston Globe today as saying that Finkelstein’s presence “would invite controversy and not dialogue or understanding” and that you objected to the timing of his speech which was to take place on the first day of a conference on the Holocaust. Finkelstein’s lecture was not about the Holocaust (even though he is the son of two concentration camp survivors), but was to address the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. According to the Globe, the Jewish student organization Hillel raised objections to Finkelstein speaking at Clark.

I have also been informed that when students who had arranged the Finkelstein event met with you, the Dean, and the Provost, administrators referred to Finkelstein as as “extremist” who was “beyond controversial”, thus warranting cancellation of his speaking engagement.

In an email on this issue, you have stated:

There is no question that Clark University stands for full freedom of inquiry in the pursuit of truth and of the good. My decision in this case was based solely on the unfortunate timing of the propsed talk…. Clark’s Difficult Dialogues series next year is focusing on Israel and Palestine. We need to be good listeners to many perspectives. Perhaps one of those will be Norman Finkelstein’s.

Email from Bassett to Witty available at philipweiss.org

Even if you are now relying solely on the timing of the Finkelstein talk, as opposed to his being controversial or “beyond controversial”, the cancellation of his speech violates the basic principles of freedom of speech and academic freedom which are so fundamental to an institute of higher learning. The existence of an opportunity to speak at another time or in another location does not remedy the wrong of censorship. Certainly the Clark University campus is large enough to accommodate a speech at the same time as a conference on another subject. This is not the kind of “time, place or manner” restriction on a speaker who is seeks to speak in the same location at the same time as another speaker.

Nor may complaints from those disturbed by Finkelstein’s writings about the post-Holocaust “industry” justify a decision to prevent the lecture from taking place. Indeed, even if demonstrators came to protest against Finkelstein’s views, the obligation of a university is to protect the spaeker’s right to be heard and prevent diisruption of the speech by others. By censoring speech because of complains about offensiveness or the controversial nature of the speaker, the university has essentially allowed what the courts call a “heckler’s veto” over what speech can be heard.

Not only does this censorship violate Clark University’s own principles and your statement that “Clark University stands for full freedom of inquiry,” but it also at odds with the New England Association of Schools and Colleges (NEASC) principles, under which Clark University receives accreditation. Standard Eleven: Integrity, at 11.3 provides that the institution must be “committed the the free pursuit and dissemination of knowledge. It assures faculty and students the freedom to teach and study a given field, to examine all the pertinent date, to question assumptions, and to be guided by the evidence of scholarly research.”

The University’s censorship also conflicts with the principles of the American Association of University Professors (AAUP). The AAUP statement on outside speakers is available at their website and is relevant to the issue of censorship based on objections by others to a speaker:

The university is no place for a heckler’s veto….We have always been clear that colleges and universities bear the obligation to ensure conditions of peaceful discussion, which at times can be quite onerous. Only in the most extraordinary circumstances can strong evidence of imminent danger justify rescinding an invitation to an outside speaker.

There was no such evidence in this case.

These principles are just as important at a private university like Clark University as they are at a public university which is bound by the First Amendment. This was recognized recently by Tufts University President Lawrence Bacow.

While Tufts is a private institution and not technically bound by First Amendment guarantees, it is my intention to govern as President as if we were. To put it another way, I believe that students, faculty, and staff should enjoy the same rights to freedom of expression at Tufts as they would if they attended or worked at a public university….During the McCarthy era, a number of university presidents in the United States failed to defend the principle of expression. Students, faculty, and stuff paid for this equivocation as the government sought to purge University campuses of those expressing particularly unpopular opinions. We must be vigilant in defending individual liberties even if it means that from time to time we must tolerate speech that violates our stadards of civility and respect.

“Freedom of Expression at Tufts” (August 27, 2007)

The Tufts president is not alone. The Harvard University Faculty of Arts and Sciences has adopted free speech guidelines which include a similar statement:

Because no other community defines itself so much in terms of knowledge, few others place such a high priority on freedom of speech. As a community, we take certain risks by assigning such a high priority to free speech. We assume that the long-term benefits to our community will outweigh the short-term unpleasnt effects of sometimes-noxious views. Because we a community united by a commitment to rational processes, we do not permit censorship of noxious ideas. We are commited to maintaining a climate in which reason and speech provide the correct response to a disagreeable idea.

https://www.fas.harvard.edu/~secfas/public/FreeSpeech.htmlWe urge you to acknowledge, as President Bacow did at Tufts, that mistakes have been made by Clark University in canceling the Finkelstein lecture. AS the U.S. Supreme Court has noted: “[t]he vigilant protection of constitutional freedom is nowhere more vital than in the community of American schools.” Shelion v. Tucker, 364 U.S. 479,487 (1960). The Court has emphasized that the “college classroom with its surrounding environs is peculiarly the ‘marketplace of ideas,’ and we break no new constitutional ground in reaffirming this Nation’s dedication to safeguarding academic freedom.” Healy v. James, 408 U.S. 169, 180-81 (1972), quoting Keyishian v. Board of Regents, 385 U.S. 589, 603 (1967).

I look forward to hearing from you about these important issues.

Sincerely,
Sarah Wunsch

A.A.U.P. ILLINOIS 2009 SPRING CONFERENCE

Sunday, April 12th, 2009

American Association of University Professors  ILLINOIS 2009 SPRING CONFERENCE

2009 SPRING CONFERENCE AT ROOSEVELT UNIVERSITY

Featured Speaker: GARY RHOADES, GENERAL SECRETARY OF AAUP

Following Gary Rhoades, a panel discussion on the topic of transparency in academia, including tenure decisions, governance, and policy. Panelists will represent a variety of higher education institutions in the Chicago area.

The AAUP IL business meeting will follow the panel discussion.
Elections for council officers and members will take place.

Roosevelt University is conveniently located at 18 S. Michigan Ave, close to Millenium Park and a few blocks from the ‘El’, Metra trains, and bus station.

The conference will take place on the 3rd floor Commons Room.

Conference will begin at 1:30 sharp. April 18!

PLEASE FORWARD THIS MESSAGE TO YOUR COLLEAGUES

For information call Lee Maltby at 773-878-3978, or email lmaltby@staugustine.edu
Lee Maltby, Secretary, AAUP-IL http://www.ILAAUP.ORG

This message was sent on behalf of the Illinois State Conference by the national AAUP office.

A.A.U.P. Cary Nelson Calls for Reinstatement of Ward Churchill in New York Times

Monday, April 6th, 2009

Cary Nelson, president of A.A.U.P., has called for the reinstatement of Professor Ward Churchill in a one-paragraph blog post in the New York Times. Why A.A.U.P. has chosen to wait after two years of an obvious persecution of a professor and to use a brief blog post to declare this policy is somewhat disappointing. Yet hopefully we will see a robust A.A.U.P. defence of  Ward’s academic freedom and actively engage this matter publicly in its own media and internal Committee A response and recognise that to be silent is to lie. I am hopeful this announcement represents official A.A.U.P. policy which subsequently precipitates robust action:

104. April 6, 2009 11:10 am Link

I agree with Professor Fish that the disputes over Ward Churchill’s work should have remained in traditional scholarly venues and not been made the subject of disciplinary hearings. Ward Churchill should be reinstated as a faculty member at the University of Colorado.

Cary Nelson
AAUP President

— Cary Nelson

Dr Nelson was responding to a surprising Stanley Fish op-ed that supported Mr Churchill’s reinstatement and condemned the “circus” that, under the cover of academic misconduct, expelled him in 2007 from the academy for his 9/11 progressive views. I also posted a blog response in the New York Times.

146. April 6, 2009 1:19 pm Link

Stanley Fish has generally attempted to silence activist professors or more charitably to restrict their mission to university related issues of curriculum work, departmental activities and other boring and sundry activities. He has also usually given a rather narrow if not egregiously constricted view of academic freedom. Yet in this column, he is defending an activist professor who construes his profession as working for change and pedagogy as a moral act.

I am pleased that Mr Fish has unexpectedly seized the moment to contravene his own basic principles and has the intellectual elasticity to see injustice and condemn what is a witchhunt on the Boulder campus to destroy the career of a progressive, tenured, full professor.

— Peter N. Kirstein